--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 16
EDITORIAL: Put TEPCO under new management as part of restructuring effort
東電処理と電力改革（上）―国民負担は避けられない

■国の責任でリストラ徹底

Japan is beset by an unprecedented nuclear disaster. In this editorial, one of two devoted to the issue, we outline steps the government is being forced to consider to reform the nation's troubled power industry.
Central to this issue is the future of Tokyo Electric Power Co., the embattled operator of Fukushima No. 1 nuclear power plant, which faces financial ruin.
　かつてない原発事故を起こした東京電力をどのように処理していくか。それは、電力システム改革への試金石ともなる。
　２回にわけて、私たちの考え方を示したい。

　　◇　　◇　　◇

Few people would dispute that TEPCO has an obligation to shoulder the bulk of the colossal costs associated with the catastrophe at the Fukushima plant.
　福島第一原発の事故にともなう巨額の費用は、東電に徹底的に負担させる。ほとんどの人は異論あるまい。

Clearly, it is impossible for the utility to bear all the costs. There is no doubt that taxpayers will end up footing a substantial portion of the bill through higher electricity rates or taxes.
　しかし、とても追いつかないだろう。最後は、電気料金や税金の形で国民が負担せざるをえない。

This is the reality confronting TEPCO in determining the company's future.
　これが東電処理の現実だ。

But first, let us take a look at the plan the government is drawing up to ride out the crisis.
　政府がいま進めている計画を確認しておこう。

It has decided to inject public funds totaling 1 trillion yen ($12.75 billion) into the company, which has little chance of surviving on its own.
　経営難に陥っている東電に対し、１兆円の国費を資本注入することは既定路線だ。

The huge injection of taxpayer money is aimed at preventing disruptions in electricity supply and turmoil in financial markets.
　電力の供給が滞ったり、金融市場が混乱したりするのを避けるための措置である。

But the Finance Ministry is voicing doubts about the wisdom of the government acquiring a more than two-thirds stake in the company, which would make it directly responsible for the utility’s management. That, the ministry fears, could entail an additional fiscal burden for the government in the future.
　ところが、東電の３分の２超の株式を取得して、経営に直接、責任を負うことには、財務省から慎重論が出ている。将来的な財政負担につながりかねないという理由からだ。

Instead, it wants the government to provide funds to tide over TEPCO for the time being. Under this scenario, TEPCO would remain as a private-sector company and eventually pay back the money it receives from the government.
　国が必要な資金を出すにしても、あくまで「当面」のこと。民間企業としての東電を残し、いずれは返してもらう――。そんな思惑である。

At first glance, this idea is attractive, at least from the viewpoint of minimizing the financial burden on the public. This is because the nuclear damage liability facilitation fund law, enacted to enable the government to help TEPCO pay compensation to victims of the nuclear disaster, is also rooted in this concept.
　国民負担の回避という点で、この理屈は一見、もっともらしい。東電の賠償資金を国が支援するために施行された原子力損害賠償支援機構法も、そうした考え方に立っている。

But does it really make sense, from a long-term perspective, to allow TEPCO to continue to exist in its current form?
　だが、長い目で見て、いまの東電を存続させることは合理的なシナリオだろうか。

For TEPCO to pay back the money, the government would have to maximize the profits the company earns. To protect TEPCO’s monopoly on the regional power market, the government would have to make it almost impossible for other players to enter the market.
　東電から確実に返済させるには、できるだけ稼いでもらわなければならない。それには、東電の地域独占を守り、電力市場への新規参入はできるだけ少なくしたほうが得策だ。

In short, there would be a powerful disincentive for the government to embark on reforming the nation’s electricity supply system.
　つまり、電力改革にはまともに手をつけないということになる。

There would be no momentum for drastic restructuring and selling off power plants.
発電所売却などの思い切ったリストラも進まない。

The TEPCO management would have a strong incentive to minimize the compensation it pays to victims. This could result in further delays in the company’s negotiations with victims over compensation.
　経営陣には、賠償額をできるだけ抑えようという誘因がはたらく。被害者との交渉は、いま以上に遅れかねない。

Still, it would be a tall order for TEPCO to raise the necessary funds to stay in business.
　それでも、東電が必要な資金を捻出するのは至難のわざだ。

The job of cleaning up the nuclear mess could be a financial black hole. As for the costs of decommissioning the crippled reactors, it is not even clear how the melted nuclear fuel could be recovered.
　廃炉費用ひとつとっても、溶け出した核燃料の回収は手法のめどすら立っていない。

It is generally estimated that tens of billions of yen are needed to decommission a reactor that has reached the end of its useful life. But TEPCO must deal with four reactors that have been disabled by the accident. It will take three to four decades to dismantle these facilities. The total bill will most definitely balloon to more than 1 trillion yen.
　ふつうに寿命を迎えた原発でも、廃炉には数百億円かかるとされる。ましてや事故炉が４基だ。最終撤去まで３０～４０年かかる。総額が兆円単位に膨らむことは間違いない。

The cost will further grow if the two remaining reactors at the Fukushima No. 1 plant and the four reactors at the Fukushima No. 2 plant are factored in.
　福島第一原発の残り２基と福島第二原発の４基も含めれば、費用はさらに増える。

The company is already under financial strain due to growing fuel costs resulting from expanded use of thermal power generation.
　足元では、火力発電の増強による燃料代の高騰が経営をゆさぶる。

It is impossible to estimate how much money will be needed to decontaminate areas hit by radioactive fallout.
除染の費用は、いくらになるか見当もつかない。

TEPCO has no choice but to cut back on new investment. In doing so, it runs the risk of seriously undermining its ability to provide proper maintenance of its power supply facilities. That, in turn, could jeopardize the electricity supply situation to the Tokyo metropolitan area.
　追い込まれる東電は新規投資を手控えるだろう。電力設備の保守すら危うくなれば、首都圏の電力供給に支障が出る。

If the government wanted to avoid providing public funds to bail out TEPCO by making sure the firm will generate sufficient profits, it would have no choice but to force businesses and households in Tokyo and surrounding areas to accept exorbitant hikes in electricity bills.
　結局、財政負担を回避するため、東電に利益を確保させようとすると、首都圏の企業や家庭に、法外な料金値上げを求めざるをえない。

Another option would be for the government to take control of TEPCO's management, fully expecting to be forced to use taxpayer money.
　もう一方の道は、国民負担を覚悟のうえで、国が経営権を握るルートだ。

The responsibility for the catastrophe rests primarily with TEPCO. That said, the government had been promoting nuclear power generation as a national policy.
　今回の事故の責任は一義的には東電にあるが、原子力発電は「国策」でもあった。

It had prompted the expansion of nuclear power generation, permitted the construction of the nuclear power plant and overlooked the company’s failure to take sufficient safety measures. Nobody would argue that the government shares in the responsibility for the accident.
政府が推進し、建設を許可し、安全対策への怠慢を放置してきた。国にまったく責任がないと考える人はいないはずだ。

In the scandal over cases of AIDS contracted from contaminated blood products and hepatitis B contracted from childhood vaccination, the government has decided to provide financial relief and pay compensation to victims. In doing so, it is taking responsibility for the policy mistakes that led to the public health disasters.
　薬害エイズやＢ型肝炎では、政策責任をとって国が被害者の救済や賠償を担った。

If the government decides to assume ultimate responsibility to deal with the aftermath of the nuclear disaster triggered by the March 11 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, it would be able to use the process to open up new possibilities for the nation’s power market.
今回の後始末も、最後は国として引き受ける。そこさえ腹を決めれば、東電処理を電力市場の新しい可能性へとつなげられる。

Herein lies the biggest significance of nationalizing the utility.
　国有化の最大の意味は、そこにある。

Obviously, the financial burden to the public should be kept to a minimum.
　もちろん、国民負担は最小限にとどめるべきだ。

That would require the government to exhaustively restructure TEPCO to scrape up as much cash as possible to pay off the debt.
そのためには、まず東電のリストラを徹底し、負債にあてる原資を最大限ひねり出す必要がある。

TEPCO is effectively in a state of negative net worth as its liabilities exceed its assets.
　東電は実質的に債務超過の状態だ。

Free market principles would dictate that the company should go face legal bankruptcy procedures.
本来なら、市場のルールに従って破綻（はたん）処理されるはずの企業である。

The company’s stock should be declared valueless. Even though it has used up a big chunk of its capital surplus to deal with the situation, TEPCO still has some 900 billion yen in equity capital.
　株式の価値はゼロにする。東電は剰余金を相当取り崩したものの、９千億円ほどの資本金がある。

As long as taxpayer money is used to deal with the utility mess, shareholders should accept the loss of their investment in the company.
国民の税金が投じられる以上、株主が損失を負担するのは当然だ。

The government should also require the company’s creditor banks to forgive at least part of the debts owed by TEPCO to them.
　金融機関にも一定の債権放棄を求める。

Financial institutions are supposed to impose market discipline on corporate financing by lending money to companies at interest rates that reflect the risks of their businesses assessed through rigorous examinations.
　融資先の事業リスクを審査してリスクに見合った金利をつけることで市場の規律を働かせるのが金融の役割だ。

But the banks had been providing funds to TEPCO at favorable terms. That’s because there was a tacit understanding that the government would protect regional power monopolies at any cost.
　にもかかわらず、銀行は東電に有利な条件で資金を提供してきた。地域独占の電力会社は何があっても政府が守るという暗黙の理解があったからだ。

That attitude reflects their underestimation of the safety risks of nuclear power generation. The financial institutions should pay the price for that.
　それは、原発リスクを過小評価してきたことの裏返しでもある。金融機関は結果責任をとらなければならない。

It is not easy to decide how to deal with TEPCO bonds, which are secured by specific company assets.
　社債（東電債）は担保付きであり、扱いはむずかしい。

But the value of the company’s electricity business has been deeply compromised. There should be a reasonable way to reduce the value of the bonds in line with the decline in the value of the underlying assets.
ただ東電の電気事業の価値そのものは大きく毀損（きそん）している。担保の目減りを社債の償還額に反映させる考え方もあるはずだ。

The government should figure out what to do through dialogue with the market.
市場との対話を重ねながら、方法を探るべきだ。

The funds thus raised should be used primarily to pay compensation to victims. This problem should be settled as quickly as possible to move the process of handling the TEPCO mess to the next step.
　得られた資金は被害者への賠償に優先的にあてる。次のステップに進むため、できるだけ早く解決しなければならない。

Clearly, the management team should be replaced. Not only the top management posts, but also key leadership positions at major sections should be filled with people committed to reform, to be recruited from both inside and outside the company. This way, employees would be encouraged to point out problems with the company and contribute ideas for fixing them.
　もちろん、経営陣は交代させる。トップだけでなく主要な部署のリーダーには社内外から改革の意思のある人物をつけ、社員の問題意識や新しいアイデアを引き出す。

The company’s assets, including power plants, should be sold or spun off boldly. Shady business transactions with affiliated firms should be terminated. The salaries of employees need to be reviewed fundamentally.
　発電所などの資産を大胆に売却したり、切り離したりする。関連会社との不透明な取引は排除する。社員の処遇は根本的に見直す。

In addition, TEPCO’s pension program should be treated as that of a failed company. Getting the consent of former employees for cuts in their pension benefits should be done as soon as possible.
企業年金も破綻企業と同じ扱いとし、ＯＢから早期に減額への合意をとりつける。

The shortfall of funds left after all these efforts would have to be covered through rate increases. But the hikes would be much smaller if these radical restructuring steps are taken.
　それでも足りない分は、やはり料金値上げに頼らざるをえない。ただし、リストラを徹底するぶん、上げ幅は小さくできるはずだ。

If neither of the two options results in a financial burden on the public through electricity rate increases, then it would clearly be better if the government takes control of the company’s management.
　どちらを選んでも、料金値上げという国民負担が避けられないのなら、国が経営権を握るほうがいいのは明らかだ。

It is almost impossible at this moment to estimate the total amount of damages caused by the nuclear accident.
　原発事故による損失の総額を現時点で見通すことはむずかしい。

Power market liberalization would prompt more businesses and households in the region to switch from TEPCO to other power suppliers.
電力改革が進むと、他の事業者に乗り換える企業や家庭も増えるだろう。

Since TEPCO itself is dismantled in the process, there will be a limit to how much money the company can receive from electricity charges.
東電自体、解体が進むため電気料金による回収にも限界がある。

In the end, the government, which is responsible for the expansion of nuclear power generation in this country, will have to consider using taxpayer money to cover the shortfall while reorganizing its nuclear power budget.
　最後は、原発を推進してきた国の責任として、原子力予算を組み替えつつ、税金での穴埋めを検討する必要がある。

Given the fiscal crunch, it is also necessary to take new measures to increase tax revenue, such as taxing the use of TEPCO’s power transmission network. That would spread the burden to all the consumers of electricity within the region served by the utility.
　国の財源に余裕がないことを考えれば、例えば東電の送電網を利用することに課税してはどうか。そうすれば東電管内の電気を使うすべての人が負担することになる。

If all these steps fail to raise the necessary amount of money, the government will have to expand the national tax base. In that case, it will be necessary to adopt special measures to win public support for the tax increase, such as imposing higher tax rates within the region served by TEPCO.
　なお不十分な場合は、全国的に課税ベースを広げる。東電管内だけ税率を高くするなどして、納得を得る努力も必要になるだろう。

It is vital to minimize the negative effects on people’s daily lives and the nation’s economy as a whole.
できるだけ日常生活や経済への影響を少なくするよう工夫したい。

None of the ideas discussed here would be easy to implement.
　どれも簡単ではない。

But the entire nation needs to rise to the challenges created by the nuclear disaster.
だが、原発事故が提起した問題には、国民全員で向き合うしかない。

By doing so, we would be able to consider the situation of people in Fukushima as our own problem and start thinking seriously about the future of our nation’s energy policy.
それが、福島の人たちを自分のことと考え、一人ひとりが今後のエネルギー政策を真剣に考えることにつながる。

(Mainichi Japan) February 16, 2012
Bismarck's pension system
水説：ビスマルクの年金＝潮田道夫
　＜ｓｕｉ－ｓｅｔｓｕ＞

The world's first modern pension system was introduced by Chancellor of the German Empire Otto von Bismarck in the 19th century. The move was designed to propitiate the German people at a time when the newly forged empire was trying to stamp out the rising appeal of socialism.
　　年金制度は１９世紀プロイセンのビスマルク首相にさかのぼる。台頭しつつあった社会主義勢力を弾圧する一方、年金で国民を懐柔した。有名な「アメとムチ」政策のアメ。

Bismarck's pension system was based on the assumption that workers would pass away just a few years after retirement in their mid-50s on, according to Michael W. Hodin, a member of the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations.
　米外交問題評議会のマイケル・Ｗ・ホーディン氏（人口問題担当）によれば、「ビスマルクモデルは人々が５０代半ば、あるいはその後半まで働いた後に引退し、その後数年間でこの世を去るというシナリオを前提にしていた」（フォーリン・アフェアーズリポート１１年２月号）。

Since people at the time had a shorter lifespan, the government did not have to spend much money on pension benefits. One theory has it that Bismarck even set up the system with the aim of diverting part of the pension premiums to help finance Germany's hefty military expenditures.
　当時の人々の寿命は短かったから、国は年金をたいして払わなくても済んだ。一説には、ビスマルクは積み立てた年金を戦費に回すのが狙いだった、ともいう。

In the United States, President Franklin D. Roosevelt introduced a pension system in 1935 under the Social Security Act. Under the system, pension eligibility started at 65. However, since the average lifespan in the country was 61 at the time, only those who lived very long lives were around to collect.
　米国ではルーズベルト大統領が１９３５年社会保障法で年金制度を導入した。この年金も支給開始年齢は６５歳。当時の平均寿命は６１歳であり、例外的に長生きした人でないと年金をもらえなかった。

University of Tokyo professor Fumiaki Kubo says pension systems were originally set up to support those who lived longer than average. In other words, pension systems were part of policy measures to care for those who grew too old to work.
　久保文明東大教授の説くところでは、年金制度の目的はそもそも平均寿命を超えて生きてしまった人々の面倒を見るためであった。つまりは働けないほどの老人向け施策だったわけだ。

Currently, the average lifespan of a Japanese woman is 86.39 years, while that of a Japanese man is 79.64. If the spirit of Bismarck's pension system were applied, Japanese women would become eligible for benefits at the age of about 88, and men at around 82.
　日本人の平均寿命はいま、女性が８６・３９歳、男性が７９・６４歳だ。ビスマルク流にやると、年金の支給開始は女性で８８歳ぐらい、男性で８２歳ぐらいということになろう。

Bismarck's and Roosevelt's systems would not be worthy of the term "pension" as it is understood today.
　ひどいね。ビスマルクにしろルーズベルトにしろ、彼らの年金は今日的感覚では年金の名に値しない。

The social security programs we now have are far better than those introduced by these two bygone leaders, but may also be a bit too generous.
　私たちの社会保障制度はビスマルクやルーズベルトよりはるかに充実している。しかし、少々、気前が良すぎるのかもしれない。

Japan can sustain its pension programs right now because the ratio of premium-paying workers to pensioners is three to one. However, the ratio will be one to one in the not-too-distant future. If social programs remain as they are now, this will put an unsustainable burden on workers paying premiums.
　日本はいま現役３人に対し高齢者１人の人口比率だからなんとかなっているが、早晩この比率は１対１になる。制度が現状のままなら現役の負担が大き過ぎて、社会保障制度は維持できない。

Considering these problems, we can no longer laugh at Bismarck's stinginess. Any great social security program is meaningless unless it is sustainable.
　こうなってみると、ビスマルクのけちを笑っている場合でない。維持できなければどんなに立派な社会保障制度をつくっても無意味である。

The government's plan to reform the tax and social security systems together, which has created great confusion and disturbance in the Diet, is aimed at reducing costs and increasing income. Nevertheless, discussions are focused excessively on a consumption tax hike to increase revenue while failing to come up with concrete cost reduction ideas.
　いま国会でもみくちゃになっている「税と社会保障の一体改革」。「出を制して入るを図る」が万古不易の再建策のはずだが、「入る」の消費増税だけが突出して、削るほうが甘い。

For example, Japan has delayed a decision on raising the pension eligibility age, though Germany has hiked its eligibility age from 65 to 67. In other words, Japanese political leaders are avoiding a decision that would be highly unpopular among the elderly.
　例えば年金支給開始年齢。あのドイツでさえ６５歳を６７歳にすることにしたのに、日本は先送り。一事が万事。年配層に嫌われるようなことから逃げまくっている。

Bismarck says, "People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war or before an election."
　ビスマルクが言っている。「人がウソをつくのは狩りの後、戦争の最中、そして選挙の前」

(By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
毎日新聞　2012年2月15日　東京朝刊

意を決して乗り込んだ希望（のぞみ）の船が、かちかち山のどろ船だったら浮かばれませんが、他に乗るべき船が見当たらないのが現実です。若い人を中心に、選挙では、この平成の坂本竜馬に人気が集中するのでしょう。
そして、自分たちが年老いたときに、初めて、自分たちの決断が間違いであったことを思い知らされるのかも知れません。

（スラチャイ）

--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Hashimoto's rise underlines public mistrust in politics
大阪維新の会―なぜいま「国盗り」か

February 15, 2012

Osaka Ishin no Kai (Osaka restoration association), a political party led by Osaka Mayor Toru Hashimto, has drafted its campaign pledges for the next Lower House election.
　大阪市の橋下徹市長が代表を務める大阪維新の会が、次の衆院選に向けた公約集「船中八策」の骨格をつくった。

The draft manifesto covers broad subjects that include foreign policy, the economy and the social security system, in addition to rehashing the party's resolve to overhaul the nation's local administrative structures, bureaucracy and education.
　これまで主張してきた都市制度や公務員、教育改革に限らず、外交、経済、社会保障など幅広い分野に言及している。

The party intends to field 300 candidates for the Lower House, where it hopes to capture 200 seats.
　衆院選で３００人を擁立し、２００議席をめざすという。

We have no issues with a regional political organization advancing into national politics in order to change the country.
　地域の政治団体が国政に乗り出して国を変えようとすることを否定はしない。

But Osaka Ishin no Kai's main objective at its inception was to turn Osaka into a metropolis-cum-prefecture.
We can hardly say that the party has provided any satisfactory explanation for its abrupt change of course to seek considerable representation in the Diet.
しかし、大阪都の実現を目標としていた維新の会が、国政での大量議席獲得にかじを切った理由が十分説明されたとはいいがたい。

Right after winning the Osaka mayoral election in November last year, Hashimoto asserted: "My goal is to consolidate the administrative functions of the municipal and prefectural governments of Osaka.
　昨年１１月の市長選直後、橋下市長は「大阪都実現がゴール。

It is for members of the Diet to change the country. I would be overstepping my bounds as a mayor to think I, too, could do it."
国を変えるのは国会議員で、市長の僕が考えるのはやりすぎ」と言っていた。

Hashimoto also said that the party's advance into national politics would be conditional on failing to win support from other parties on his Osaka-metropolis-prefecture concept.
　国政進出は、他党から「都構想への協力が得られなければ」という限定付きだった。

In actuality, however, the Liberal Democratic Party and Your Party have indicated their support and proposed their respective plans for reforming the local autonomy law.
　実際、自民やみんなの党は協力姿勢を示し、地方自治法の改正案を提案している。

The fact that Hashimoto has set a more ambitious goal for his party would seem to suggest that his real, personal target has always been to become the nation's top leader.
　そんななかで、さらに大きな目標を立てて突っ走る。「国盗（と）り」こそが真の目的だったということだろうか。

In a little over two months since he became mayor, Hashimoto has come up with quite an array of reform plans, but work has only just begun.
　市長就任から約２カ月。橋下氏は矢継ぎ早に改革の方針を打ち出しているが、いずれも緒についたばかりだ。

And the party has not rewritten its prospectus, where it is defined as a "regional political party" that "aims for Osaka's revival."
地域政党として「国の政党と一線を画す」「大阪再生をめざす」という同会の設立趣旨もそのままだ。

The party has expanded its influence on the strength of Hashimoto's tremendous mass appeal.
　維新の会は橋下氏個人の人気で勢力を広げてきた。

But Hashimoto himself has denied any possibility of running for the Lower House.
ところが橋下氏は自身の衆院選出馬を否定する。

We believe questions will be raised in the days ahead over whether it is appropriate for Hashimoto to remain the mayor of Osaka while his party seeks to seize the reins of national government.
国政を握ろうとする党のトップが自治体の長にとどまる是非も今後問われるだろう。

Campaign pledges include the abolition of the Upper House and popular election of the prime minister, both of which are predicated on constitutional revision.
The manifesto also envisions a pension program under which people will pay their premiums without collecting benefits later, which would require a radical overhaul of the conventional pension system.
　公約集には、参議院の廃止や首相公選制といった改憲が前提となる案、年金の掛け捨て制など既存の枠組みを抜本的に変える発想が含まれる。問題意識を並べたアイデア段階ともいえる。

These are still only "ideas" rather than official policy plans, and the party needs to deliberate them before they ask the public to judge.
世に問うには、党内でもっと議論を煮詰める必要がある。

In the meantime, a political academy the party is scheduled to open next month has already received applications from more than 3,000 people. They will undoubtedly form a huge reserve of would-be candidates in the next Lower House election.
　一方で来月開講する維新政治塾には３千人以上の応募があり、候補者予備軍となろう。

Hashimoto comes across as a strong, reliable leader because the speed with which he challenges vested interests contrasts sharply with the administration's inability to fulfill its promises, year after year, with prime ministers effectively coming and going every year.
　スピード感を持って既得権益に挑む橋下氏の姿は、公約を実現できず毎年のように首相が代わる国の政治と好対照をなし、力強く映る。

Seeing Hashimoto's style of politics, the public has understandably come to hope, if only vaguely, that a non-establishment regional party such as his may be able to get the job done.
　しがらみのない地域政党なら何かをやってくれそうだという漠とした期待も生んでいる。

Opinion polls indicate that Osaka Ishin no Kai is picking up considerable popular support as a force capable of injecting fresh air into stale national politics.
　世論調査の結果からも、政治に新風を吹き込む勢力として、維新の会が相当の支持を集めているのは事実だ。

Established political parties should think hard about what it is attracting the public to this Osaka party.
　既成政党は、維新の何が世間を引きつけるのか考えるべきだ。

The underlying reason is the public's mistrust with the current state of politics.
根っこにあるのは、今の政治全体に対する不信感である。

インターネットのまだ無い時代に文通だけでここまで人間関係を構築できているのに驚嘆しました。
スーチーさんは、彼女が受賞したノーベル文学賞はハヴェル氏こそ受賞すべきだったと、彼をたたえています。
ハヴェル氏の最後の手紙は死の数日前に書かれたものですが、日本の笹川 陽平氏によりスーチーさんに届けられたいます。これも何かの因縁でしょうね。
スーチーさんのビルマよりの手紙の中でも、最も理解しやすいものでしたが、それでも、難しい単語は辞書にたよりました。痛く感動させられました。

スラチャイ

Letter from Burma: Vaclav Havel
ビルマよりの手紙：　ヴァーツラフ・ハヴェルの思い出

Aung San Suu Kyi is seen at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Yangon, Burma, in this Oct. 27, 2011 file photo. In the background, is a portrait of her father, General Aung San. (Mainichi)When I decided that the first Letter from Burma of 2012 should be about the late Vaclav Havel, I wondered how I should entitle the article. My thoughts immediately went to the little red heart he usually drew as part of his signature. Perhaps I should write about him as "The Heart President" or "The Heart Leader" or "The Dissident with A Heart" or "The Intellectual with A Heart?" In the end I decided that the name Vaclav Havel alone was more potent and meaningful than any fancy title I could think up.

It was during the first year of my house arrest, 1989, that the name of Vaclav Havel became familiar to me. The Velvet Revolution, the Civic Forum, the electoral victory that turned the premier dissident of Czechoslovakia into the first President of the newly democratic republic: I learnt about it all from my small portable radio and shared in the euphoria of political transformation in that far off land. However, I did not realize at that time that Vaclav Havel would become a personal friend.

It is a little strange to speak of a man I had never met and with whom I had barely corresponded as a personal friend. It was his vigorous and warm personality and his total commitment to the support of movements for democracy and human rights the world over that made his friendship so real and vibrant and made me feel we were linked to one another by close ties of understanding. He nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 because he believed it would help to focus international attention on our struggle. Had he allowed his name to be put forward as a candidate that year I am convinced he would have been the chosen laureate. He surely valued the Nobel Peace Prize, for he would not have wanted to give to the cause of democracy and human rights something on which he did not value himself. But it was a matter of chivalry: "Their need is greater than mine."

When my family were permitted to visit me in 1992, my husband brought me a copy of The Power of the Powerless. I have just flicked quickly through the pages of this now shabby, well-thumbed volume and reread some of the phrases I underlined in the book. "... an examination of the potential of the 'powerless' -- can only begin with an examination of the nature of power in the circumstances in which these powerless people operate ..." "... freedom is indivisible ..." "... not standing up for the freedom of others, regardless of how remote their means of creativity or their attitude to life, meant surrendering one's own freedom ..." "A better system will not automatically create a better life. In fact the opposite is true: only by creating a better life can a better system be developed ..." Ideas that seem simple yet which enmesh with basic human aspirations only when formulated with clarity by an exceptional mind.

A high intellect is no substitute for a generous heart, and it is the latter that I appreciate most in Vaclav Havel. He was a rare dissident, one who did not forget fellow dissidents in remote parts of the world even after he became the Head of State of his own country. His heart was not only generous but appealingly light, expressing its solidarity with ordinary people everywhere in the simplest way. His To the Castle and Back begins with the words: "I've run away. I've run away to America. I've run away for two months with the whole family; that is, with Dasa and our two boxers, Sugar and her daughter Madlenka." The gleeful declaration of flight and the place (right at the heart of the family) that he accorded to his dogs drew me across miles and years into the warm circle of his home. How did a man so far from ordinary manage to retain the common touch?

Vaclav Havel spoke to me once on the telephone, about a year ago. He was already in poor health and his voice was weak but he managed to convey his joy at my release from house arrest and his concern for all of us who were still far from our democratic goal. Even in his final illness he did not forget us. The last letter he wrote to me was placed in my hands a few days after his death by one of his old friends, Mr. Sasakawa Yohei.

"Dear Friend," the letter began, "Over the years I sent you a number of letters inviting you to attend various international conferences and other events that I organized. I did it being perfectly aware that the chances of you attending are non-existent but I still did it out of principle and to remind the authorities that confiscated my letters to you that we constantly think of you and support you." The spirit with which he championed the cause of the oppressed had remained intact. His interest in our struggle, too, had continued strong: "Dear friend, I am following the recent developments in your country with a very, very cautious optimism." He ended his letter on a practical, modest note. "... if there is anything we can do to help -- for example -- and only if you wish -- to share some of our transformational experience with you we shall gladly do it."

I will feel the absence of my friend as we continue along the road he walked before us.

(By Aung San Suu Kyi)
(Mainichi Japan) January 30, 2012

BBCでギリシアの混乱の状態を見ていると、とても今回の二回目の緊急支援を受ける体制ではありません。
額（ひたい）に汗（あせ）して働くことを嫌い、権利だけはめいっぱい主張する、さらに自分たちの主張を通すのに暴力も平気で行使する身勝手さが読み取れました。支援しても彼らが働かなければ同じ結果となります。意識改革が必要だと思いました。

srachai

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 14, 2012)
Greece must show ability to implement austerity steps
ギリシャ緊縮策　危機封じ込めに必要な実行力（2月12日付・読売社説）

Will Greece, the epicenter of the European debt crisis, be able to implement austerity measures to prevent the regional crisis from worsening and spreading?
　欧州危機の封じ込めに向け、痛みを伴う緊縮財政策に取り組めるか。

The country's ability to enforce the measures--which will certainly involve pain--is being tested.
震源地であるギリシャの実行力が問われよう。

The Greek government and coalition parties have agreed to carry out the austerity program required by the European Union and the International Monetary Fund.
　ギリシャ政府と与党は欧州連合（ＥＵ）と国際通貨基金（ＩＭＦ）から求められていた緊縮策で合意した。

The main pillars of the austerity program are to significantly cut public investment, lower the nation's minimum wage and ax 15,000 public sector jobs.
公共投資の大幅削減、最低賃金の引き下げ、公務員１万５０００人削減などが柱となっている。

In 2010, the EU and IMF decided to provide the first rescue package to Greece to help the country's finances, which had been seriously damaged by irresponsible financial policies in the past. However, the effect of the first rescue package has been limited.
　放漫財政で深刻な危機に陥ったギリシャに対し、ＥＵなどが２０１０年に第１次支援策を決め、資金繰りを支えてきたが、効果は限定的だった。

To receive a 130 billion euros (13 trillion yen) second rescue package, Greece is required to carry out the austerity measures as a step to rebuild its finances.
　１３００億ユーロ（約１３兆円）に上る第２次支援策が実施されるには、ギリシャが財政再建を目指し、緊縮策を実施する必要がある。

The country plans to redeem a huge amount of government bonds on March 20.
　ギリシャは３月２０日に巨額の国債償還を予定している。

If it cannot receive the second rescue package, it will be difficult for the country to redeem the bonds--meaning Greece may plunge into a chaotic default.
２次支援策が得られないと、国債償還ができず、無秩序な債務不履行（デフォルト）に陥りかねない。

It is now in the hands of the Greek government to take the necessary steps to receive the second rescue package. We welcome the heightened possibility that the country will avoid default.
　ギリシャの対応次第で、追加支援が実施され、デフォルトを回避できる公算が大きくなってきたことはひとまず歓迎したい。

===

Waiting on parliament

Now the question is whether the Greek parliament will pass bills related to the austerity measures.
　ただ、問題は、ギリシャが緊縮策の関連法案の成立を果たせるかどうかだ。

Finance ministers of eurozone countries have postponed deciding whether to provide the second rescue package to Greece, saying they will make a final decision on Wednesday after observing parliament's decision.
　ユーロ圏財務相会合は支援決定をいったん先送りし、その結果を見て、１５日に支援を決める。

The finance ministers' persisting skepticism regarding Greece is believed to be the reason they have attached such a condition to providing the rescue package.
財務相会合が「条件付き」の方針を表明したのは、なお不信感を拭えないからだろう。

The Greek government has promised to implement austerity measures on several occasions, but failed to sufficiently fulfill the promises.
　ギリシャは何度も緊縮策を打ち出しながら、十分に実施してこなかった。

The government's halfhearted approach has caused anxiety in financial markets in Europe and other areas, helping credit uncertainty spread from Greece to Italy and other countries.
それが欧州などの金融市場を動揺させ、イタリアなどにも信用不安が飛び火した。

Greek lawmakers must swiftly pass the bills related to the austerity measures to meet the demands of the eurozone countries in providing the rescue package.
　ギリシャは早期に関連法案を可決し、突き付けられた条件をクリアすることが求められる。

The Greek government has reached a substantive agreement with financial institutions to reduce debts owned by the institutions. This will be another favorable wind for Greece to implement the austerity measures.
　ギリシャの債務削減に関し、政府と金融機関との交渉が実質合意したことも追い風になる。

===

Public backlash

One cause of concern is deep-rooted public antipathy toward the austerity measures, illustrated by such actions as the general strikes conducted by Greek labor unions.
　しかし、懸念されるのは、ギリシャ国内にくすぶる緊縮策への根強い反発だ。
労組は抗議のゼネストを実施した。

If the public backlash against austerity measures grows further ahead of a general election scheduled in April, the future of the austerity measures will become more uncertain.
４月にも実施される総選挙を前に、反発が激しさを増せば、不透明感が強まる。

The EU and the IMF should step up their supervision of Greece to avoid further confusion and help the country steadily rebuild its finances.
　これ以上の混乱を回避し、ギリシャが着実に財政再建を実施できるよう、ＥＵとＩＭＦは監視を強化すべきだろう。

Greece's economic downturn is expected to linger after the implementation of the austerity measures.
　緊縮策に伴って、ギリシャの景気悪化が長期化する見通しだ。

It will be an important task for Greece to recover its growth power in the medium- and long-term rebuilding of its finances.
中長期的な財政再建に向け、成長力の回復も重要な課題である。

Resolving the Greek debt crisis is indispensable to containing the European financial crisis and stabilizing financial markets.
　ギリシャ危機を収束させることは、欧州危機封じ込めと市場の安定に欠かせない。

European countries, notably Germany and France, should enhance their cooperation in dealing with the Greek crisis.
独仏両国などは連携を強化して対処すべきだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2012)
（2012年2月12日01時10分  読売新聞）

精神科医香山リカさんの記事には時としてイモーショナルにすぎるきらいの記事が多い。
この記事はさしずめその筆頭格だ。
障害者を特別視するのは日本の国民性なのかも知れない。
この理論が犯罪者などに適用されないことを願う。

単なる言い訳に過ぎないと思いました＾＾。

スラチャイ

(Mainichi Japan) February 12, 2012
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: There's no such thing as a 'worthless life'
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：「人類戦士」たち　／東京

There are two phrases that I often come across at my consultation room: "I'm sorry for being alive," and, "My life is worthless."
　診察室でしばしば聞くふたつの言葉に、「生きていて申し訳ない」と「私は生きる価値がない存在です」がある。

In explaining such thoughts, patients say things like: "I suffer from depression so I had to quit my job," "I couldn't fit in at school so I started staying at home," or, "In the end, I started living on welfare assistance."
「うつ病で退職してしまったから」「学校になじめず引きこもりになったから」「ついに生活保護を受給することになったから」など

Although the reasons vary from patient to patient, the most common reason seems to be related to people's inability to work efficiently and provide for themselves after falling physically or mentally ill.
理由はさまざまだが、要は病になってバリバリ働いたり自分の力で生活できなくなったりした自分は、生きる意味も価値もない、と考えての言葉なのだろう。

I usually reject such statements, telling my patients: "That's not true," but at the same time I feel that it's extremely difficult to give them a firm reason to trust my words.
　「いや、そんなことはないですよ」と言いながら、私はいつも「でも、その理由をうまく説明するのはむずかしいな」と感じていた。

It also seems weak to tell them that what is happening is not their fault and that the difficulties they are going through are only a result of their diseases.
「病気なんだから、働けなくても仕方ないですよ」ではなんとなく弱い。

As I was thinking about this, I came across a book that opened my eyes. The book, titled "Omoi shogai o ikiru to iu koto" (Living with serious disabilities) was written by Kiyoshi Takaya, a pediatrician who has worked at a facility for children with heavy disabilities for a long time.
　そんな中、またまた読書を通して目をひらかれる経験をした。その本とは、重症心身障害児施設びわ湖学園で長く働く小児科医、高谷清氏が昨年、出した「重い障害を生きるということ」だ。

In his book, Takaya introduces children who have become bedridden as a result of their disabilities as "mankind's warriors," a reference to a well-known anime series.
その中で高谷氏は、自分ではまったく身体を動かすことができない、いわゆる“寝たきり”の障害児たちを、あるアニメになぞらえて「人類戦士」と表現している。

Takaya says that in order for some species to continue to exist, they have to keep on transforming themselves. ある生物種が死滅せずに存在し続けるためには、絶えず変貌を遂げて行く必要がある。

During that process, it is inevitable that some will develop disabilities.
その変貌の過程では、どうしても「障害」を持つ個体が生まれることもある。

Therefore, children who carry such disabilities have undertaken the task of passing through these inevitable circumstances -- they are, in other words, warriors protecting the rest of mankind.
だから、障害児は人類の障害を引き受けてくれている「人類戦士」だ、と高谷氏は言うのだ。

As I read Takaya's words, I came to think that this does not only apply to children with disabilities.
　これは、心身障害児に限ったことではないはずだ。

For example, among my patients there was a company employee who was diagnosed with depression due to his heavy workload.
たとえば、企業の中で激務を強いられ、うつ病になった人がいた。

As a result of his leave of absence, however, his company decided to reconsider all company employees' workloads, which led to an improvement of the firm's mental health policies.
その企業では、彼の長期休職がきっかけとなり、全社的に働き方を見なおすことになり、メンタルヘルス対策の仕組みが整えられることになった。

Cases of "hikikomori" (social withdrawal) involving children, for example, often stem from family-related problems -- those involving their parents, siblings or other relatives.
子どもの引きこもりの背景には、両親やきょうだいを含むその家庭全体の問題があることも多い。

In this way, these children can also be called "mankind's warriors" for they have -- via their conditions -- taken on other social problems.
そう考えれば、彼らもいまの社会の問題を一身に背負っている「人類戦士」なのだ。

If there were no such people, the rest of us would proudly -- and quite incorrectly -- think that the way things have been done to address certain social issues up till now has been correct.
もし、こういう人たちがいなければ、私たちは「このやり方で間違っていないのだ」と傲慢になって暴走し、

This could lead to major problems that could actually end up affecting many people.
結果的にはより多くの人たちが苦しむことにもなりかねない。

To those suffering from mental diseases: You should know that your current condition is sending a red signal to society, trying to make people notice the existing problems that need to be tackled.
Your life is important for society.
　心の病になった人。あなたは、いまの社会に警告を発し、いろいろな問題を訴えようとしている大切な存在なんですよ。

You didn't become ill because of your personal weakness -- it is a result of your ability to sense existing problems before others can.
あなたは弱いから病になったわけではなくて、世の中の問題を誰よりも早く察知できる、敏感な人たちなんです。

Therefore I ask you -- please, don't ever say that your life is worthless.
だから、「私には意味がない」なんて言わないで……。

If a patient tells me "I'm sorry for being alive" again, I would like to express these thoughts to them, though I don't know how effective I can be.
今度、診察室で「生きていて申し訳ない」と言う人がいたら、こんなことを伝えたいが、うまくいくだろうか。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
毎日新聞　2012年2月7日　地方版

かつて、バブル景気盛んな日本でも同じような状態ではなかったのでしょうか。
歴史は繰り返すのです。
こうして、経済的な豊かさを取り戻したあとに、言いようのないむなしさを覚えるのも中国人のお金持ちたちなのです。
かつての日本がそうであったように。
経済的豊かさと精神的豊かさを同時に満足させるのは難しい。
つまるところ、現状をあるがままに受け入れ満足できる人たちが一番幸せなような気がしています。

スラチャイ

Tourism and the fear of locusts
木語：バッタ来襲の恐怖＝金子秀敏
　＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞

Pearl Buck's novel "The Good Earth," set in a farming village in China's Anhui Province, contains a famous scene in which a swarm of locusts blackening the sky attacks the village's crops.
　パール・バックの小説「大地」の舞台は中国安徽省の農村だ。空が暗くなるほど無数のイナゴが飛んできて畑を襲うという有名な場面がある。

In China there is a word for a migratory type of locust written with the characters for "flying" and "locust."
中国語では「飛蝗（ひこう）」という。実はイナゴよりも大きなトノサマバッタの一種だそうだ。

Recently controversy erupted in Hong Kong over an advertisement depicting a locust overlooking the city.
　最近、この恐ろしいバッタが香港の地図の上にとまっているイラストを入れた意見広告が香港紙に掲載され、騒ぎになった。

It was a stab at the trend of pregnant women arriving from mainland China to give birth in Hong Kong, comparing them to a swarm of the insects.
内地からやってくる中国人妊婦をバッタの来襲に見立てているのだ。

If a husband and wife are Chinese nationals, then their child naturally obtains Chinese citizenship, but if the child is born in Hong Kong, then that child obtains Hong Kong residence rights.
　夫と妻の双方が中国人ならその子は当然、中国籍だ。しかし香港で出産すると香港の居住権がとれる。

Because of this, Chinese women of means have occupied Hong Kong's maternity wards, and their children have filled kindergartens and schools.
金持ちや、ちょっと金持ちの中国人妊婦たちによって香港の産科病棟が占領された。病院は満員、こうして生まれた子どもたちで幼稚園や学校もいっぱいだ。

The controversial ad, which directed hostility at what it depicted as locusts laying waste to public facilities for Hong Kong residents, was funded by local Internet users.
　香港人のための公共施設を荒らすバッタに敵意をむき出した意見広告は香港のネットユーザーが出した。

Not surprisingly, Hong Kong authorities warned the organizers over the discriminatory nature of the advertisement, but all the same, it uncovered a deep psychological tendency among the people of Hong Kong.
さすがに香港当局から差別的と警告を受けたが、香港人の深層心理はよく表れている。

As I have mentioned in previous columns, the clash of culture due to the rise of China emerged first in Hong Kong.
　小欄が前回、前々回と取り上げたように、「中国の台頭」による文明の衝突が香港から始まった。

It began after Chinese became wealthy, the restrictions for overseas travel were eased, and Chinese headed to Hong Kong and other destinations to buy luxury items and brand-name products.
　中国人が豊かになった。海外旅行の制限が緩和され、ぜいたく品やブランド品を買いに、香港へ、外国へどっと出てきた。

China now has the world's greatest purchasing power.
　いまや世界一の購買力だ。

When Chinese-made powdered milk is found to be contaminated, people from China travel to Hong Kong and fill their suitcases with foreign-made powdered milk.
中国製粉ミルクが有害だとなると、香港に出てきて外国製粉ミルクをトランクいっぱい詰め込んで帰る。

And while such everyday items are being purchased, rich Chinese are also buying high-rise luxury homes on Hong Kong's coasts.
日用品もさりながら、海を見下ろす超高層の高級マンションを買うのも中国人の富豪たち。

Thanks to this, the Hong Kong economy is performing well.
　おかげで香港経済は活気づいている。

One would expect Hong Kong residents to be happy about this, but difficult emotions are involved.
だから香港人は喜んでいいはずだが、そこは複雑な感情がある。

Until recently, Hong Kong was an international city with million-dollar night views, dubbed by some as the pearl of Asia, while China was a poor country filled with bicycles, closed off behind the "Bamboo Curtain."
ちょっと前まで香港は、１００万ドルの夜景、アジアの真珠とたたえられた国際都市だった。一方の中国は「竹のカーテン」に閉ざされた、自転車ばかりが走る貧しい国だった。

Symbolic of the change is the Dolce & Gabbana incident in January.
　１月の「Ｄ＆Ｇ事件」が象徴的だった。

The famous Italian fashion house opened a major store in a shopping district of Hong Kong.
イタリアの有名ブランドが香港の繁華街に大型店を出した。

But when Hong Kong residents tried to take snapshots in front of the store, they were sent on their way.
香港市民が店の前で記念写真を撮ろうとすると追い払われた。

The store was not targeting locals as customers, but rather those from mainland China.
この店は、地元は相手にしておらず、狙いは中国人客なのだ。

Hong Kong residents, their pride bruised, began protests.
自尊心を傷つけられた香港人が抗議デモを起こした。

Countries across the world are now trying to attract Chinese tourists.
　世界各国が中国人観光客の呼び込みをはかっている。

The number of foreign tourists to Japan dropped markedly after the March 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami, but Chinese tourist numbers are said to have recovered rapidly.
日本に来る外国人観光客は東日本大震災で激減したが、中国人観光客の数は急速に回復したという。

This is happy news for Japan, which is trying to build itself up through tourism.
観光立国を目指す日本にとって喜ばしいことだ。

Unless people in Japan are conscious of this, the same type of friction seen in Hong Kong will happen here, too.
しかし、そういう意識を自覚していないと香港のような摩擦が起きる。

（専門編集委員）
(By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
(Mainichi Japan) February 11, 2012
毎日新聞　2012年2月9日　東京朝刊

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 11, 2012)
Promote active discussions on revising Constitution
９条と自衛隊　憲法改正へ論議の活性化を（2月10日付・読売社説）

It is necessary to advance discussions on revising the Constitution to bring it in line with reality, based on the historical background of discussions over the Self-Defense Forces.
　歴史的な経緯を踏まえて、現実に合致した憲法に改正するための議論を進めることが必要だ。

At the House of Representatives Budget Committee, former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba of the Liberal Democratic Party recently asked Defense Minister Naoki Tanaka why the SDF is constitutional.
　衆院予算委員会で自民党の石破茂・元防衛相が田中防衛相に自衛隊合憲の根拠をただした。

Ishiba suggested that the so-called Ashida revision provides legal justification for the SDF.
「芦田修正」がその根拠ではないかとも指摘した。

Tanaka was hard-pressed for an answer and only said: "I don't understand that point. I'd like to understand it by respectfully listening to your knowledge."
　田中氏は、答弁に窮し、「その点、私は理解していない。先生のご知見を拝聴しながらよく理解したい」と述べるにとどまった。

The Ashida revision is named after Hitoshi Ashida, who in 1946 advocated a revision to the section concerning renunciation of war at a subcommittee of the House of Representatives committee that discussed a bill to revise the then existing Constitution of the Empire of Japan. Ashida was chairman of the committee.
　芦田修正とは、憲法改正を論議した１９４６年の衆院帝国憲法改正案委員会小委員会で芦田均委員長が主唱し、実現したものだ。

The draft revision bill said in Paragraph 1 of Article 9 that Japan renounces wars of aggression, and in Paragraph 2 it stipulated war potential will never be maintained.
　原案は９条１項で侵略戦争を放棄し、２項で戦力不保持を明記していた。

Under the Ashida revision, the words "In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph" were inserted in the beginning of Paragraph 2.
２項の冒頭に「前項の目的を達するため」を挿入した。

Because of this revision, there arose in later years an interpretation of the Constitution that holds Japan can possess war potential such as land, sea and air forces for self-defense.
　これにより、自衛の目的であるならば、陸海空軍の戦力を持ち得るとする解釈論が後年、生まれることになる。

===

'Minimum' overemphasized

However, successive governments' interpretation of the Constitution has not used the Ashida revision as a legal basis for viewing the SDF as constitutional.
　だが、政府解釈は、芦田修正を自衛隊合憲の根拠としてこなかった。

The government has been consistent in its view that maintaining the SDF does not violate the Constitution as long as it is "an armed organization kept to the minimum necessary" for self-defense.
自衛のための「必要最小限度の実力組織」であれば、憲法に反しないとの見解で一貫している。

In other words, the government's interpretation is that the SDF is not the war potential that is banned under the Constitution.
自衛隊は、憲法の禁じる「戦力」ではないというわけである。

Tanaka is under fire for lacking basic knowledge concerning defense issues. As the defense minister, he should have been able to explain the historical background.
　「防衛問題の基本的な知識に欠ける」との批判を浴びる田中氏だが、防衛相なら本来、そうした経緯も含めて説明すべきだった。

However, the government should not cling to its conventional approach of trying to make its position sound plausible.
　ただし、従来の、つじつまあわせのような政府見解を墨守すればよいわけではない。

===

Times have changed

The security environment around Japan has significantly changed from the time when the Constitution was established.
　日本を取り巻く安全保障環境は憲法制定時から様変わりした。

The conventional interpretation of the Constitution regarding the SDF now hurts national interests.
自衛隊を巡る憲法解釈は、今や国益を害する事態を招いている。

A typical example is the government's interpretation of the nation's right to collective self-defense.
　典型的なのが、集団的自衛権である。

It states that Japan has such a right but cannot exercise it because doing so exceeds the scope of the "minimum necessary."
権利を有しているが、行使は「必要最小限度の範囲」を超えるため許されない――

This interpretation constrains the SDF's cooperative activities with U.S. forces and other countries' militaries, and hampers deepening the Japan-U.S. alliance.
この解釈は米軍などとの協調行動を制約し、日米同盟の深化を妨げている。

The government's view, which developed in the Cabinet Legislation Bureau after World War II, should immediately be reviewed at the initiative of elected officials.
　内閣法制局が戦後積み重ねてきた政府見解こそ、政治主導で早急に見直すべきである。

There is a great discrepancy between Article 9 and reality.
　憲法９条と現実との乖離(かいり)は大きい。

All in all, it is right and proper to squarely work on a constitutional revision to give the SDF a clear status.
やはり、自衛隊を明確に位置づけるため、正面から憲法改正に取り組むのが筋だろう。

In its proposal to revise the Constitution in 2004, The Yomiuri Shimbun said that the Constitution should stipulate Japan may possess armed forces for self-defense even while preserving the pacifism aspect of Article 9.
　読売新聞は２００４年の憲法改正試案で、９条の平和主義は継承し、「自衛のための軍隊の保持」を明記することを提起している。

Based on the government's interpretation of Article 9 and criticism against it, we hope each political party will deepen discussions of what Article 9 should be at the Deliberative Council on the Constitution of each chamber of the Diet.
　政府解釈とそれに対する批判を踏まえて、各党は衆参両院の憲法審査会で９条の在り方について大いに議論を深めてもらいたい。

Article 9 is not the only issue on which revision to the Constitution is called for.
　改正の論点は９条にとどまらない。

Although there is a gap between political parties' views of the Constitution, discussions on the top law, which is the foundation of the nation, must not stagnate.
各党間で考え方の開きはあるが、国の根幹である憲法の論議を停滞させてはならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 10, 2012)
（2012年2月10日01時16分  読売新聞）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 9, 2012)
In-depth studies needed on extended Shinkansen routes
整備新幹線　着工ありきでなく十分検証を（2月8日付・読売社説）

We have nagging doubts about whether three new Shinkansen sections will produce effects that justify the huge investment required to build them.
　巨額の投資に見合った効果を上げられるかどうか、疑問が残る。

The government should avoid making a hasty decision based on the idea that starting construction is the basic premise.
「はじめに着工ありき」で拙速な判断をすることは避けねばならない。

A verification panel of scholars and experts of the Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism Ministry has started discussions on the planned sections.
　整備新幹線の未着工区間について、国土交通省の有識者会議の議論が始まった。

They are reexamining whether simultaneously starting construction of the three sections, a policy confirmed by the government and the ruling parties late last year, is appropriate.
政府・与党が昨年末、同時着工方針を確認したことを受け、その可否を検証する。

The panel is checking sections planned to run between Shin-Hakodate and Sapporo on the Hokkaido Shinkansen line; Kanazawa and Tsuruga on the Hokuriku Shinkansen; and Isahaya and Nagasaki on the Kyushu Shinkansen.
　対象は、北海道の新函館―札幌、北陸の金沢―敦賀、九州の諫早―長崎の各区間である。

Total project costs will top 3 trillion yen.
　総事業費は３兆円を超える。

The panelists are required to properly check the profitability and economic effects of the extended lines.
採算性や経済効果を十分吟味することが求められよう。

Calls to start constructing the three sections were very strong when the Liberal Democratic Party-led administration was in power.
　３区間は自民党政権時代には着工を求める声が強かったが、

However, the Democratic Party of Japan-led administration froze the projects in 2009 as part of its review of public works projects.
民主党政権が２００９年、公共事業見直しの一環として凍結した。

===

New revenue source found

The DPJ-led administration's latest policy turnaround to start construction was possible, it said, because it had found the money to go ahead with the plan.
方針を転換したのは、財源確保にメドがついたためと説明している。

As a new revenue source, the government zeroed in on charges JR companies pay to the Japan Railway Construction, Transport and Technology Agency to use Shinkansen-related facilities.
　新たな財源として着目したのが、ＪＲが鉄道建設・運輸施設整備支援機構に支払っている新幹線の施設使用料だ。

Law revisions that came into effect last year enabled these charges to be used for construction costs.
昨年の法改正で建設費に回せるようになった。

For the time being, about 40 billion yen will be available annually.
当面は年間４００億円程度ある。

According to the government and the ruling parties, costs not met by these charges will be shouldered by the central and local governments.
　政府・与党案では、施設使用料からの転用分以外は、国と自治体が負担するとしている。

Furthermore, the construction period--which is usually 10 years--will be extended up to 24 years to reduce the financial burden required for a single fiscal year.
　さらに、単年度の負担を抑えるため、通常１０年の工事期間を最長２４年に延長する。

The government aims to open the Hokkaido section in fiscal 2035, the Hokuriku section in fiscal 2025 and the Kyushu section in fiscal 2022.
北海道３５年度、北陸２５年度、九州２２年度の開業を目指す計画だ。

However, we think this idea is strange.
　しかし、これはおかしい。

If the construction period is extended, the total project cost will grow by more than 200 billion yen from the initial estimate.
　工期を長期化した結果、総事業費は当初見込みより２０００億円以上も膨らむ。

Even if the cost for a single fiscal year is reduced, it is crystal clear that state and local government coffers will feel the pinch even more if huge budgets have to be poured into Shinkansen line construction for nearly 25 years.
単年度当たりの事業費は減るとしても、四半世紀にわたり多額の予算を投入し続ければ、国と地方の財政が一段と逼迫(ひっぱく)するのは自明の理だ。

The local governments concerned probably hope to make the Shinkansen lines a pillar for regional economic development.
　関係自治体は新幹線を地域振興の柱にしたいのだろうが、

However, in addition to forking out for construction costs, these local governments will inevitably face the difficult problem of regular railway lines that run alongside the Shinkansen lines falling into debt.
地元負担に加え、並行在来線の赤字という不可避の難題も待ち受ける。

===

Will passenger numbers increase?

The transport ministry has estimated the three sections will produce average annual profits of between 2 billion yen and 10 billion yen after they open.
　国交省は、３区間とも開業後に年平均２０億～１００億円の利益が出ると試算している。

However, opening the Nagasaki-Isahaya section will trim the time between Hakata and Nagasaki stations on the Kyushu Shinkansen route by only 28 minutes, compared with the existing regular railway line.
　だが、博多―長崎間の所要時間の短縮は２８分にとどまる。

Extension of the Hokkaido route will mean Sapporo is an about five-hour ride from Tokyo.
札幌延伸で東京―札幌間は約５時間で結ばれるが、

Both lines will face fierce competition with airline companies, so it is anyone's guess whether they can attract more passengers.
いずれも航空会社との競争は厳しく、利用客が増えるかどうかは予断できない。

A ministry estimate on the lines' cost efficiency, which indicates the benefits to localities and passengers compared with the funds invested, came in at a smidgen over the break-even point of 1.
　投入する資金に対し、地元や利用者がどれだけ恩恵を受けるかを表す費用対効果の試算も、収支とんとんを示す「１」をわずかに上回る程度に過ぎない。

It is important to establish integrated networks of expressways, airline routes and railway lines.
　高速道路、航空、鉄道の整備を一体的に考えることが重要だ。

It is not too late to reexamine what to do with the Shinkansen sections whose construction has not started after parts now being built, including one between Shin-Aomori and Shin-Hakodate stations, have been completed.
未着工区間の扱いは、新青森―新函館間など建設中の区間の完成後に再検討しても遅くはない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 8, 2012)
（2012年2月8日01時05分  読売新聞）

ビルマの夜明けはまだまだ先だ

要旨：
軍事政権が実権を握っている構図は何ら変わらない。
憲法も最近改正されて軍事政権の介入なしにはなにも出来なくされてしまっている。
変わったのは、そのやり方が一方的な弾圧から、民主的な方法で問題解決する手法に移っただけ。
狙いは、言うまでもなく、英米、欧州、日本などの経済制裁の解除。
ビルマ社会がこの長いトンネルを抜け出して、真の民主化を掴むのはまだまだ先のことだ。
それが、達成できるかどうかも分からないのだ。（ギャンブル状態）

実際に現地で足で稼いだ記事だと思います。
日本ビルマ情報ネットワークのダイレクター、ゆき　あきもと　さんの力作です。大変に美しい人です。
朝日新聞が掲載してくれました。
日本語訳はありません。最初の部分だけ意訳してみました。

（スラチャイ）

POINT OF VIEW / Yuki Akimoto: True democracy in Burma?
ビルマの夜明けはまだまだ先だ

February 08, 2012

These days, the media is full of upbeat reports about all the changes taking place in Myanmar (Burma). It is true that the government in Burma has undertaken certain reforms.
最近巷ではビルマ関連の記事で溢れてしまっている。ビルマが変わりつつあるのは間違いないようだ。

Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the pro-democracy movement, has been allowed to participate in the bi-elections scheduled for April, a marked change from elections in 2010 when several unfair legal provisions effectively banned her party from taking part. Many prominent former student activists have been released, and the once-strict censorship rules have been relaxed.

At the same time, there has been a rapid thaw in Burma’s relations with the United States and the United Kingdom, countries that used to regularly denounce Burma for its systematic human rights abuses and lack of democratic reforms, and that impose various sanctions because of this. Diplomats and politicians from around the world are visiting Burma.

Amid talk of the lifting of sanctions, aid organizations are preparing to re-engage in Burma, and heightened interest in the country among commercial investors has driven property prices soaring in key locations.

Despite all the optimistic commentary, however, Burma remains far from democracy. In the nominally civilian government, the president is a former army general, and 26 of the 30 ministers are also former military men (no woman is in the Cabinet). In the parliament, 25 percent of the seats are reserved for those in the military. Widespread irregularities were reported about the 2010 elections, whose outcome allowed the pro-military party to take most of the remaining seats.

The president may hand over all powers to Burma’s top military commander in a state of emergency--a legal coup d’etat. The Constitution that provides for all of this cannot be amended without the support of the military. Further, rule of law is not established, and the judiciary is not independent. Hundreds of political prisoners remain in prisons all over Burma. And despite reports of “peace agreements” reached, repression and abuses against civilians continue in ethnic conflict areas.

Just as it did under the former military regime, the army retains substantive control over the governance of the country. The top priority for the army, which is to hold onto its privileges and protect its interests, has not changed, either. The only difference are the tactics adopted by the military: instead of oppressing the people and any opposition by threat and use of bare force, the new government has opted to impress upon the people and the international community that it is “bent on democratic reforms,” thereby apparently trying to prevent frustration and opposition from reaching a boiling point. These tactics also provide cover for foreign governments and international financial institutions to lift sanctions and to resume or increase development aid.

Burma’s current government is not motivated by the goal of true democracy. President Thein Sein did not even bother to hide this fact in his recent interview with The Washington Post. Asked for a message to its American readers, Thein Sein declared: “If you would like to see democracy thrive in our country, you should take the necessary actions to encourage this by easing the sanctions. ...” This statement turns logic on its head. Sanctions were imposed because Burma would not embark on democratic reforms and refused to improve the human rights situation. Sanctions did not make Burma any less democratic. In any case, if one genuinely wanted democratization and were serious about obtaining it, one would not refer to the removal of sanctions as a condition.

Aung San Suu Kyi could have refused to cooperate with Thein Sein and his allies. She is presumably aware of all the pitfalls. Her decision to participate in the bi-elections, and her colleagues’ support for this move, do not mean that they recognize the current government as a legitimate democratic government or a trustworthy partner. They have decided to struggle within the system despite this understanding because they recognize that taking advantage of the current opportunity may eventually--perhaps in several decades--lead to an emergence of a truly democratic society where people can freely participate. Those of us outside Burma should understand that they are on a gamble, so to speak, and continue to support them in realizing their hope.

***

Yuki Akimoto is a director of BurmaInfo Japan (http://www.burmainfo.org/), where she researches and writes about Burma with a focus on human rights and environment.