核の傘による抑止力はとうの昔にほころびてしまっている。
しかしながら中国や北朝鮮の暴挙を見るにつけ、アメリカに頼らざるを得ない日本の防衛力は情けない。
自国の防衛のためにアメリカ人の血を流させてはいけない。
毎月２兆円を超す日本のお金が米国債の買い支えのために使われているのはほとんど報道されていない。
おそらくこの件に関しては報道はタブーとなっているのだろう。
霞ヶ関の特別会計は一般会計９０兆円をはるかにこえる規模でも新聞紙上で話題になることはない。
新聞社は社会保障費等の安定財源確保の手段を消費税の値上げに決め付けてしまっている。
これはおかしなことだ。
日本は米国の国債を買い支える前にやることがあるのではないでしょうか。
年間３０兆円に迫る米国国債の買い支えは１億の国民が赤ちゃんからお年寄りまですべて一人当り３０万円ものお金を負担している計算になります。
戦争に負けてしまっている日本は何も言えないのでしょうか。
悔しいですね。
（スラチャイ記）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 18, 2011)
Hatoyama's loose tongue damaging natl interest
抑止力は「方便」　国益損なう無責任な鳩山発言（2月17日付・読売社説）

Former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said recently that when he cited the deterrent provided by U.S. marines stationed in Okinawa Prefecture as a reason for axing a plan to move the marines' Futenma Air Station outside the prefecture, it was "an expedient excuse."
　鳩山前首相が、沖縄・米軍普天間飛行場の県外移設を断念した際、理由に掲げた米海兵隊の抑止力の維持について、「方便だった」と語った。

This irresponsible and inappropriate remark could basically deny the importance of U.S. forces stationed in Japan--a foundation of the Japan-U.S. alliance. His comments will arouse distrust among the people of Japan and the United States, let alone residents of Okinawa.
　日米同盟の根幹である在日米軍の存在さえ否定しかねない、無責任かつ不穏当な発言である。沖縄県民は無論、日米両国民に一層の不信感を与えよう。

Last May, when Hatoyama was prime minister, he announced a plan to relocate the Futenma base outside Okinawa Prefecture had been dropped, and the administration would focus on a new site within the prefecture. "I've come to learn that the deterrent provided by the U.S. Marine Corps [in Okinawa Prefecture] can be maintained only as part of the entire U.S. forces stationed in the prefecture," he said in justifying his decision.
　鳩山氏は首相在任中の昨年５月、普天間飛行場の移設先を「県外」から「県内」に転換する折に、「学ぶにつけ、沖縄に存在する米軍全体の中で海兵隊の抑止力が維持できる」と述べた。

Yet in a recent interview with an Okinawa newspaper and other media, Hatoyama admitted he used the word "deterrent" to rationalize his broken promise to move the base outside the prefecture. He added, "If you call it an expedient excuse, it was."
　ところが、沖縄県の地元紙などのインタビューで、この発言に関し、後付けの理屈として「抑止力」を用いたのであり、「方便と言われれば方便だ」と説明した。

===

Ignorant on alliance

Hatoyama then tried to rationalize this statement by saying he had just agreed when a reporter asked him if "deterrent" had been an "expedient excuse." Regardless, he was extremely careless with his choice of words.
　鳩山氏は記者から「方便か」と問われて追認したと釈明しているが、軽率のそしりを免れない。

The fact that Hatoyama only became aware of the importance of the deterrent after he became prime minister was astonishing in itself. But we were dumbfounded that he was so quick to admit that the deterrent was "an expedient" excuse.
　首相になって抑止力を学んだと述べたこと自体驚きなのに、それを「方便」と簡単に翻すに至っては、唖然(あぜん)とするばかりである。

An even more fundamental issue lies in Hatoyama's views on the bilateral alliance.
　より本質的な問題は、鳩山氏の日米同盟観そのものにある。

Under the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, U.S. marines in Okinawa are operated in conjunction with the U.S. army, navy and air force, with all the forces functioning as the deterrent. That is why the Japan-U.S. alliance, a cornerstone of which is the U.S. forces stationed in Japan, is considered "public property" that maintains peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.
　日米安全保障条約のもと、沖縄の米海兵隊は、米陸海空軍と一体的に運用され、その全体が抑止力として機能している。在日米軍を基盤とする日米同盟が、アジア太平洋の平和と安定を確保するための「公共財」とされる所以(ゆえん)だ。

Despite this, after Hatoyama became prime minister, he said, "Japan has had a tendency to excessively rely on the United States," and started advocating the creation of an "East Asian community." His words and actions while he was in office all seemed to indicate Japan's foreign policy was shifting away from the United States and toward Asia.
　それなのに鳩山氏は、首相就任後、「ややもすると米国に依存しすぎていた」として東アジア共同体構想を唱え、“脱米入亜”ととられる言動を繰り返した。

We feel compelled to say Hatoyama lacked a basic understanding of the importance of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
日米安保の重要性に対する基本的な認識が欠けていたと言うほかない。

His ignorance was all too obvious when he admitted during the interview that even during discussions on relocating the base outside the prefecture, his administration had no specific prospective site in mind.
　これは、県外移設を検討した時に政権内で何の具体的な見通しもなかった、とインタビューで認めていることにも表れている。

===

Kan right to be angry

Hatoyama blamed fierce opposition from the foreign and defense ministries as one reason for his failure to move the base outside the prefecture. This argument is ridiculous.
　鳩山氏は、県外移設の方針が頓挫した理由の一つに、外務、防衛両省の強い抵抗を挙げたが、それは筋違いだ。

Even after the change of power, it was unreasonable for the new administration to so readily reject bilateral agreements and erode the relationship of trust carefully built up by previous Japanese and U.S. administrations over many years.
政権交代したからといって、歴代政権が積み重ねてきた日米間の合意と信頼関係を安易に覆すことに無理があった。

At the House of Representatives Budget Committee on Wednesday, Prime Minister Naoto Kan expressed frustration at the "very problematic" remarks made by his predecessor. "His understanding on the matter is different from mine," Kan said. He was quite justified in saying so.
　菅首相が衆院予算委員会で「方便」発言について、「表現は本当に問題だ。私の認識とは違う」と不快感を示したのは当然だ。

Kan needs to swiftly settle the Futenma relocation issue and strengthen the Japan-U.S. alliance.
首相は普天間問題の解決を急ぎ、日米同盟強化に努めねばならない。

After he stepped down from the premiership, Hatoyama made clear he intended to quit politics. However, he made a U-turn and said he would continue his political activities "for the benefit of national interests."
　鳩山氏は首相辞任後、いったん引退を表明しながら「国益に資する政治を行うため」として撤回した。

Hatoyama should reflect seriously on just how badly his loose remarks have damaged Japan's interests.
だが、自らの度重なる軽い言葉がどれほど国益を損なっているか、猛省すべきである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 17, 2011)
（2011年2月17日01時40分  読売新聞）

2011/02/16
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 15
EDITORIAL: Japanese economy
景気の行方―攻めの機運をそぐなかれ

Concerns about a double-dip recession--sliding back into recession after a short-lived recovery--have mostly dissipated.
　景気回復が失速する「二番底」の懸念は、杞憂（きゆう）だったようである。

As widely expected, Japan's gross domestic product contracted in the October-December quarter from the previous three months, according to preliminary government data released Monday. The decline was blamed mainly on the wearing-off of the effects of the government's economic stimulus measures, such as the eco-point program to promote sales of energy-efficient home electric appliances.
　きのう発表された昨年１０～１２月期の国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）統計の１次速報は、家電のエコポイントなど政策効果が縮小したため、大方の予想通り前期比マイナスだった。

But key economic indicators, like industrial output, clearly suggested that the economy remains on a recovery path.
だが鉱工業生産など指標の動きをよく見れば、回復軌道にあることは明らかだ。

Japan's rebound has been supported primarily by economic growth in emerging countries.
　復調を支えているのは、まず何より新興国の成長だ。

Aggressive efforts by Japanese companies to capitalize on swelling demand in these countries, such as developing new products tailored to the fast-growing markets and ramping up investment for expansion, are beginning to pay off.
発展する市場向けの新製品開発や投資拡大など民間企業の攻めの姿勢が、外需を着実に取り込み、結果を出し始めている。

Another piece of good news for the Japanese economy is receding fears about a U.S. economic downturn. The Federal Reserve Board's second round of quantitative easing, called "QE2," and President Barack Obama's decision to extend Bush-era tax cuts in a bold compromise with the Republicans have combined to stoke consumer spending.
　米国の景気後退懸念が和らいだことも大きい。「ＱＥ２」と呼ばれている連邦準備制度理事会（ＦＲＢ）による金融の量的緩和と、オバマ政権が共和党との大胆な妥協でブッシュ減税の継続に踏み切ったことが、消費意欲を刺激した。

The New York Stock Exchange is now on an upward trajectory.
ニューヨーク市場では株価が上昇気流に乗っている。

As a result, the yen has stopped climbing against the dollar, and the currency market has regained stability.
　その結果、円高ドル安の流れが止まり、為替相場が安定した。

Stock prices in Tokyo have bounced back to life as investors around the world have started returning to the stock market in droves.
世界的な株式市場の再評価の動きのなかで、東京市場も株価が息を吹き返した。

Immediately after the collapse of U.S. investment bank Lehman Brothers triggered a global financial crisis in autumn 2008, Japanese companies were stupefied as their global business strategies based on traditional dependence on Western markets had suddenly become obsolete.
　２００８年秋のリーマン・ショックの直後、日本企業はそれまでの欧米先進国依存を前提にした世界戦略が崩壊して茫然（ぼうぜん）自失の体だった。

From 2009 through 2010, Japanese companies focused on pulling themselves together for the development of new broad-based strategies for the entire world, including emerging economies, and redistribution of management resources.
一昨年から昨年にかけては、新興国を含めた全世界に視野を広げた新しい戦略作りと、経営資源の再配分に向けた立て直しの時期だったといえるだろう。

This year, they are regaining self-confidence and making bold strategic moves to expand globally with renewed determination.
そして今年は、日本企業が腹をくくって全世界に打って出る。そんな自信回復と行動の年になりつつある。

The trend has been epitomized by a flurry of major strategic alliances, including an agreement between Nippon Steel Corp. and Sumitomo Metal Industries Ltd. to enter merger talks and NEC Corp's decision to set up a joint personal computer venture with China's Lenovo Group Ltd.
　新日鉄と住友金属工業との合併交渉入り、ＮＥＣによる中国レノボとのパソコン事業合弁など、大がかりな再編の動きがその象徴だ。

Japanese firms are also stepping up their efforts to globalize their management, as evidenced by Olympus Corp.'s decision to promote a British executive to the post of president.
オリンパスが社長に英国人を登用するなど、経営のグローバル化も本格化している。

A growing number of Japanese companies will start making such aggressive moves to expand their global presence in the coming months.
攻めの動きはさらに広がるだろう。

But there are still many causes for worry both at home and abroad.
　とはいえ、内外の不安材料は尽きない。

Excess liquidity sloshing around the world is driving up the prices of food and raw materials, raising concerns about inflation, especially in emerging countries.
世界にだぶつくマネーが食料や資源の相場を押し上げ、新興国を中心にインフレ懸念が募る。

In Europe, the sovereign debt crisis keeps shaking confidence in the euro.
欧州では財政危機がユーロを揺さぶり続けている。

Heightened jitters about the world economy could trigger a new round of the yen's appreciation.
世界経済に緊張感が高まれば、円高がさらに進む恐れもある。

At home, political momentum for fiscal rehabilitation remains alarmingly weak despite the recent downgrade of Japan's sovereign debt by a major credit rating agency.
　国内をみれば、国債格下げという世界市場からの「警告」とは裏腹に、財政再建に向けた政治の動きがおぼつかない。

In addition to the murky outlook of the budget for the new fiscal year, a Diet preoccupied with partisan bickering is arousing anxiety among the public.
新年度予算の行方だけでなく、政争本位の国会自体が国民の間に不安をかきたてている。

There is, fortunately, a positive mood in Japan's business community.
　日本の経済界の空気は前向きだ。

Signs of forward-looking politics would do a lot to help accelerate the expansionary trend among Japanese businesses.
攻めの動きを加速させるには、政治にも前向きな機運が生まれることが何よりだ。

Political leaders should at least make sensible efforts to avoid becoming a drag on the private sector.
民間の足を引っ張らないという見識と努力を示してほしい。

It has also been confirmed that China's GDP surpassed Japan's last year. The news should be taken by Japan as a signal to finally forget its past success and move ahead.
　昨年のＧＤＰで中国が日本を抜いたことも確認された。これも日本が過去にとらわれず、前に進むべきだという警鐘として受け止めたい。

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 16, 2011)
Aim for steady economic recovery
ＧＤＰマイナス　足踏みからの着実な回復図れ（2月15日付・読売社説）

Although the margin of Japan's negative economic growth in the fourth quarter last year was smaller than anticipated, we remain concerned about this nation's economic prospects.
　予想よりマイナス成長の幅は小さかったとはいえ、景気の先行きに対する不安はぬぐえない。

In a preliminary report released Monday by the Cabinet Office, the nation's gross domestic product for the October-December period in real terms fell by a seasonally adjusted, annualized 1.1 percent from the previous quarter. This figure backed up previous observations that the economic recovery paused in the second half of last year.
　昨年１０～１２月期の実質国内総生産（ＧＤＰ）が発表され、前期比年率で１・１％減となった。昨年後半に景気回復が足踏みしたことを、数字が裏付けた。

On a more positive note, consumer spending and production appear to have gradually improved since the beginning of this year. Many private research institutes have projected a moderate recovery for the January-March quarter.
　今年に入って、消費や生産は持ち直しつつあるようだ。このため、民間調査機関の多くは、１～３月期は緩やかなプラス成長を回復すると見ている。

However, there are still many reasons to feel uneasy. To put the economy firmly on the recovery track, it will be vital for the government and the Bank of Japan to continue implementing policies that prioritize economic growth, such as maintaining an easy-money policy.
　だが、懸念材料は少なくない。政府・日銀は、金融緩和を維持するなど成長優先の政策運営を続け、景気をしっかりと回復軌道に乗せることが肝要だ。

===

A mix of good and bad

In the fourth quarter last year, domestic demand shrank for the first time in five quarters due to a temporary lull in consumer spending resulting partly from a fall in vehicle sales after the government subsidy program for eco-friendly car purchases ended in September.
　１０～１２月期は、内需が５四半期ぶりにマイナスを記録した。エコカー補助金の打ち切りで自動車販売が急減するなど、消費が一時的に落ち込んだためだ。

A consumer buying spree for flat-screen TVs and other home electronic appliances before the government's eco-point program for energy-efficient appliances was scaled back in December helped make up for the sluggish car sales.
　ただ、１２月の家電エコポイントの縮小を前に、薄型テレビなどに対する駆け込み需要が起き、自動車販売の不振を補った。

Although overseas demand declined due to the prolonged rise in the yen's value and the global economic slowdown, Japan's exports to other Asian nations and the United States remained steady.
　外需も、円高や海外経済の減速でマイナスになったが、米国やアジア向けの輸出は底堅かった。

Consequently, Japan's GDP recorded a yearly increase for the first time in three years, in both real and nominal terms.
　この結果、２０１０年の１年間のＧＤＰは、実質、名目ともに３年ぶりにプラスに転じた。

The data in the report reconfirmed that Japan's economy has finally managed to emerge from the serious recession that started after the collapse of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. in autumn 2008.
　２００８年秋のリーマン・ショック以降の深刻な不況からの脱出が改めて確認された形である。

That being said, there is still little room for optimism on the country's economic prospects. Sharp rises in global prices of natural resources and grains, such as oil and wheat, are pushing up prices of raw materials, which is beginning to bite into corporate profits. Japan's employment situation remains severe; the unemployment rate has stayed stubbornly high.
　今後の景気動向については、予断を許さない。原油や小麦など、世界的な資源や穀物の高騰で、原材料の価格は上昇を続け、企業の収益を圧迫し始めている。失業率も高止まりしたままで、雇用は依然として厳しい。

===

Overtaken by China

Despite these worrying circumstances, Diet deliberations on the fiscal 2011 budget and related bills--which are essential to support and boost the economy--have made little progress. The government must make more efforts to pass these bills through the Diet as soon as possible by reviewing the controversial child-rearing allowance program and other wasteful hand-out policies.
　こうした情勢の中、景気下支えに必要な２０１１年度予算案と関連法案は、国会審議が難航している。子ども手当などのバラマキ政策を見直したうえで、早期成立を図るべきだ。

The Cabinet Office also confirmed that China's GDP surpassed that of Japan in nominal terms on a U.S. dollar basis in 2010.
　今回の発表で、１０年の名目ＧＤＰは、中国が日本を追い抜いたことが確定した。

Japan was crowned the world's second-largest economy, behind the United States, when it eclipsed West Germany in 1968. After 42 years, Japan has relinquished this position to China.
　日本は１９６８年に、当時の西ドイツを抜いて米国に次ぐ経済大国となった。その地位を４２年間守り続けたが、ついに世界２位の座を明け渡した。

China's rapid economic growth has created a massive market that should provide plenty of lucrative opportunities for the Japanese economy.
　中国経済の急成長は、巨大な市場が生まれることを意味し、日本経済にとってもプラス材料だ。

Unfortunately, the scale of Japan's economy remains at about the same level as it was two decades ago. Although the government should not blindly aim to expand the scale of Japan's economy, it needs to steadily promote strategies that ensure society maintains a certain level of wealth.
　それにしても、日本の経済規模が約２０年前と同水準というのは情けない。やみくもに規模拡大を目指す必要はないが、一定の豊かさを維持するため、成長戦略を着実に進める必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 15, 2011)
（2011年2月15日00時04分  読売新聞）

Northern islands-Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan and Habomai Islands are historically an integral part of Japan.
北方四島国後、択捉、色丹、歯舞は日本固有の領土です。
無法なロシアの実効支配がメドベージェフ大統領の指導のもとで拡大しています。
経済協力、極東の開発協力なんてするべきではないでしょう。
完全になめられてしまっております＾＾。
（スラチャイ記）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 15, 2011)
Don't let territorial dispute just drift along
日露外相会談　「領土」前進へ粘り強く交渉を（2月13日付・読売社説）

During their meeting in Moscow last week, Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara and his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, discussed the bilateral territorial dispute over four islands off Hokkaido but failed to reach agreement as they reiterated their countries' conventional stances.
　モスクワで開かれた前原外相とラブロフ露外相との会談は、北方領土問題で双方が従来の主張を繰り返し、平行線をたどったまま終わった。

Japan-Russia relations have become seriously strained since Russian President Dmitry Medvedev visited one of the four islands in November. There seems to be little chance of a breakthrough in negotiations over the territorial issue.
　メドベージェフ大統領の北方領土訪問以来、日露関係は険悪さを増し、領土問題での進展は、期待しにくい状態に陥っている。

But letting bilateral relations continue in this chilled state will not benefit either side. We urge both governments to take every opportunity to continue negotiations in a bid to untangle this long-standing issue.
　しかし、このまま放置しては、お互いの利益にはなるまい。あらゆる機会を見つけて協議を続け、解決の糸口を探るべきである。

The Maehara-Lavrov meeting was reportedly tense after beginning without a handshake. Maehara proposed seeking a solution acceptable to both sides based on past accords--including the Tokyo Declaration of 1993--as well as law and justice.
　外相会談は冒頭の握手もなく、厳しい雰囲気だったという。前原氏は、１９９３年の東京宣言など「これまでの合意文書と法と正義」に基づき、双方が受け入れ可能な解決策を探ろうと提案した。

Lavrov, on the other hand, insisted the two countries "should promote discussions without any premise and historical connections." He appeared to be calling on Japan, which insists all four islands be returned, to take a more flexible stance.
　これに対し、ラブロフ氏は「前提なし、歴史的な結びつきなしに議論を進める必要がある」と述べた。４島返還を主張する日本側に柔軟な対応を求めたのだろう。

===

Outcome wasn't surprise

The meeting lasted about two hours, double the length that had been scheduled. However, both sides ended up arguing at cross-purposes over the four islands known as the northern territories in Japan. The only outcome was an agreement to continue negotiations.
　会談は、予定の倍の約２時間続いたが、結局、議論はかみ合わなかった。協議継続が唯一の成果という寂しさだった。

That the meeting would end with such paltry results had been widely anticipated.
　ただ、この結果は、事前に予想された通りでもあった。

In recent years, Russia has been striving to develop oil and natural gas fields in its Far East region. As part of this endeavor, Russia has invested a considerable amount of money and resources in the four disputed islands. Opinion seems to have been growing in Russia that there is no longer any need to make concessions to Japan on the territorial issue.
　ロシアは近年、極東の石油・天然ガス資源開発に力を入れ、その一環として北方領土にも予算を投入している。もはや日本に領土問題で譲歩する必要はない、との考え方が強まっているようだ。

This view has gained traction following a string of visits to the islands by Russian government leaders following Medvedev's visit to Kunashiri Island.
　大統領に続いて政府要人が相次いで北方領土を訪問したのも、そうした姿勢の表れだろう。

The government should not sit back and allow the "Russianization" of the northern territories. Tokyo must devise a concrete strategy to tackle this issue, rather than merely lobbing inflammatory insults at Russia as Prime Minister Naoto Kan did when he recently called Medvedev's trip "an unforgivable outrage."
　日本としては、北方領土の「ロシア化」をただ傍観するわけには行くまい。菅首相のように大統領の訪問を「許し難い暴挙」と声高に非難するだけでなく、具体的な戦略を立てて臨むべきだ。

===

Flow-on effects

In a meeting of the Japan-Russia Intergovernmental Committee on Trade and Economic Issues held after the foreign ministerial talks, the two countries agreed to set up a roundtable panel consisting of government officials and executives of major businesses to promote bilateral economic cooperation. The panel is expected to discuss modernizing Russian production facilities and development in the Russian Far East.
　一方、外相会談後の貿易経済政府間委員会では、日露の経済協力について、官民による新たな「円卓会議」の設置を合意した。ロシアの生産設備の近代化や極東開発などを協議するという。

Japan's direct investment in Russia has been rising steadily in recent years. Russia, for its part, is hungry for Japan's cooperation in high technology and other fields.
　日本からロシアへの直接投資額はこのところ、右肩上がりで増えている。ロシア側も、日本からのハイテク分野などでの協力に期待を強めている。

We hope this bilateral economic cooperation will eventually lead to improved diplomatic and security ties. This would also help keep China in check.
　日露が経済を突破口に、外交・安全保障でも関係を強化することは望ましいことだ。中国に対抗するうえでも必要だろう。

However, economic cooperation should not be allowed to charge ahead while the territorial dispute is swept under the rug.
　だが、領土問題を置き去りにしての協力であってはならない。

The government must persistently remind Moscow that economic development can be taken to the next level only through the conclusion of a peace treaty that establishes a genuine relationship of trust.
　平和条約を結び、日露間に真の信頼関係が生まれることが、両国の一層の経済発展につながることを、粘り強くロシア側に訴えて行く必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 13, 2011)
（2011年2月13日01時24分  読売新聞）

今日は新聞の休刊日です＾＾。
Happy Valentine's Day!

(Mainichi Japan) February 13, 2011
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: To those worried about their elderly parents living far away
香山リカのココロの万華鏡：遠距離介護に悩む人へ　／東京
 
I am occasionally interviewed about "long-distance care," perhaps because my parents live in Hokkaido while I work and live in far off Tokyo.
　私自身、実家が北海道、勤務先が関東、と離れているためもあってか、「遠距離介護」についての取材を受けることがたまにある。

One thing I can say about my own experiences is that, as my parents have entered old age, all kinds of problems I couldn't have even imagined when I was young have popped up, from how to go about treating illnesses to how to deal with daily events like shopping and cleaning.
　たしかに、離れた実家に暮らす親が高齢になってくると、若いころには予想もできなかったような問題があれこれ出てくる。病気の治療をどうするかということから、買い物や掃除などの日々の生活のことまで。

If I lived nearby, I could stop by my parents' house on my way back from work. However, since I don't live nearby, I can't very well hop on an airplane and fly across the country every time a light bulb needs changing.
近くにいれば「じゃ、今日、帰りに寄るね」と言えるが、電球ひとつ取り換えるために飛行機に乗って駆けつけるわけにはいかない。

I admit, while saying to my parents, "I'm sorry I can't do anything to help," part of me is secretly relieved that I can get out of the situation without having to do anything. I take advantage of my physical distance as a means to avoid caring for or helping out my parents.
　私など、「何もできなくてゴメンね」と言いながら、心のどこかには「やらずにすんでよかった」という思いもある。遠くにいるのを、介護や手伝いを避ける方便にしているのだ。

However, patients who come to see me at my office are more dutiful. Some even complain of mental and physical stress caused by worrying about their parents. "If my mother calls me and says she's not feeling so well, my heart starts to race," they may tell me. Some of these people fall more and more into negative thinking, and even come out with things like, "I knew it was a mistake to come to Tokyo for work. I should have stayed in my hometown."
　ところが、診察室に来る人たちは、もっとまじめだ。「ちょっと具合が悪いのよ、なんて郷里の母親から電話が来ると、ドキドキしちゃって……」と心身の不調を訴えてやって来る人もいる。中には、どんどんマイナス思考に陥って、「やっぱり都会で仕事をしよう、と思ったのは間違いでした。ずっと実家にいればよかった」などと言い出す人さえいる。

Although I admire these patients' kindness and love for their parents, I don't think it is right for them to blame themselves.
　その親への愛情ややさしさはすばらしいと思うが、そこまで自分を責めるのは、やっぱり間違いなのではないだろうか。

I say to these patients, "Maybe your parents act needier now, but in the past, didn't they say how happy they were that you had made your own way in Tokyo?"
　そういう人には、「どうでしょう、今はご両親も弱気になっているかもしれませんが、かつては都会で自立しているあなたに喜んでいたのでは？」と昔のことを思い出してもらう。

When I tell them this, even patients who initially respond, "No, all my parents ever say is that they had wanted me to live nearby," start to gradually remember. "Now that you mention it, I seem to recall my mother bragging to the neighbors about how hard I was working in Tokyo. I made her stop it because I was embarrassed."
すると、最初は「いえ、近くにいてほしかった、と嘆くばかりです」と言っている人でも、次第に記憶がよみがえってくる。
　「そういえば、近所の人に“ウチの子、東京でがんばってるのよ”と自慢した、と言っていたこともあったような。“お母さん、やめてよ、恥ずかしい”と止めたのですが」

For any parent, the goal of raising a child is not to bring up someone who will take care of them in their old age, rather it is to bring up someone who will stand on their own two feet in the world. People living far from their hometowns have fulfilled their parents' dreams by making their own, independent lives. Those parents surely feel proud of their far-away children and feel satisfied for having raised them in that manner.
　そうそう、どの親にとっても子育ての目標は、「子どもに介護してもらうこと」ではなくて、「子どもを自立した人間に育てること」。遠距離介護に悩む人たちは、「親の願いをかなえて自立した子ども」でもあるのだ。きっと親は、地元を離れてがんばるわが子を誇りに思い、そんな子育てができた自分にも満足しているに違いない。

Those people caring for parents from afar, don't attack yourself or feel ashamed. Do not feel you have failed as a child. Have confidence. It's sufficient to do what you realistically can to help your parents. (By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist)
　遠距離介護をしている自分を、責めたり恥じたりしていないで。自分は「子どもとして不合格」だなんて思わずに、自信を持って。その中で、できる範囲でケアしてあげれば、それで十分。
　悩む人たちに、そう声をかけたい。

毎日新聞　2011年2月8日　地方版

選挙がすべての小沢氏、あるいは自民党等の一部議員たちが平成の開国のさまたげになっているのは明らかです。
菅首相は腹をくくって、これらの議員たちと対決して欲しい。
菅首相は米国のオバマ大統領のように、もっと国民に直接アピールすべきです。
選挙がすべての議員たちにその考えを変えさせるためには国民の力が必要なのです。
議員たちは農業に従事している人々の票がそれほど欲しいということでしょう。
これぞ平成の鎖国！
（スラチャイ記）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 13, 2011)
Japan-Australia EPA essential for TPP talks
日豪ＥＰＡ　早期合意がＴＰＰの試金石だ（2月12日付・読売社説）

Japan and Australia ended their first round of negotiations on an economic partnership agreement in 10 months Thursday without any breakthrough.
　１０か月ぶりに再開した日本と豪州の経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）の交渉は、大きな進展がないまま終了した。

Prime Minister Naoto Kan has advocated what he calls the "opening of Japan in the Heisei era," an initiative to promote trade liberalization, and pledged that his government would decide around June whether to join talks on the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement with Asia-Pacific countries.
　菅首相は貿易自由化を推進する「平成の開国」を掲げ、米国などが進める環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）に参加するかどうか、６月ごろに結論を出すと公約している。

Australia is one of the key members in regional negotiations involving the TPP. It would therefore be difficult for this country to join the TPP talks if it fails to reach an agreement in bilateral free trade negotiations with Australia.
　豪州はＴＰＰの主要メンバーだ。日豪ＥＰＡで妥結できなければ、ＴＰＰ参加の道も難しい。

The bilateral free trade pact with Australia is a touchstone for Japan's determination to open its domestic market. Agreeing to it might not be easy, as some members of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan strongly oppose it, but the government should decide to conclude a pact with Sydney as soon as possible.
　日本にとっては、開国の決意が問われる試金石である。民主党内に反対派を抱えるなど環境は厳しいが、政治決断による早期合意が待たれよう。

The EPA negotiations between Japan and Australia started in 2007, but they were suspended for 10 months because Tokyo refused Sydney's demand to reduce its tariffs on imports of agricultural products.
　２００７年に始まった日豪ＥＰＡ交渉は、豪州が求める農産品の関税引き下げに日本が抵抗したため、中断されていた。

===

4 products block progress

The latest round of talks was held in Tokyo to make a fresh start. Attention focused on to what extent Japan would make concessions, but the country did not offer any breakthroughs and the talks ended in disappointment.
　今回、東京で開かれた仕切り直しの交渉は、日本の姿勢がどう変わるのかが注目された。しかし、交渉を打開するような動きはなく、期待外れの結果だった。

The negotiations were hobbled by tariffs Japan has imposed on four foodstuffs--beef, wheat, sugar and dairy products. Their tariff rates are quite high, including 38.5 percent on beef and 360 percent on butter.
　足かせになったのが、牛肉、小麦、砂糖、乳製品の４品目である。関税率は牛肉が３８・５％、バター３６０％などと相当に高い。

The government has protected these items as exceptions to market liberalization in the EPA pacts Japan has agreed to so far with 12 countries and one region.
　これまで日本が１３か国・地域と合意したＥＰＡでは、この４品目を市場開放の「例外扱い」として保護してきた。

However, the TPP negotiations are pursuing a higher level of trade liberalization and would require members to reduce all tariffs to zero in 10 years, in principle. Treating some items as exceptions from the very beginning will not be tolerated.
　だが、ＴＰＰは、より徹底した貿易自由化を目指し、原則として１０年間で関税を撤廃する内容だ。最初から一部を「例外扱い」とする交渉は認められない。

An EPA policy outline that the government released in November stipulates all products will be subject to negotiations regarding trade liberalization. The government needs to change its current stance to conform with this principle.
　政府が昨年１１月に決めた経済連携の基本方針には「すべての品目を自由化交渉の対象とする」と明記された。その方針に沿い、従来の姿勢を改める必要がある。

The government is to compile a policy outline in June on agricultural reform aimed at enhancing the international competitiveness of the nation's agricultural sector.
　農業の国際競争力を強化するため、政府は６月に農業改革の基本方針をまとめる。

It is expected to draft strategies such as assistance measures for farmers, who would suffer from an influx of cheap agricultural imports as a result of lowered tariffs, and acceleration of free trade talks with Australia to pave the way for participation in the TPP negotiations.
　関税引き下げなどで打撃を受ける農家の支援策などを検討しながら、豪州との交渉も加速し、ＴＰＰ参加の道筋をつける――。そうした戦略が求められよう。

===

Mining, industrial goods key

Mining and industrial products are also important in the free trade talks with Australia. Tokyo is demanding Sydney eliminate its tariffs on imports of automobiles and other industrial products. If it does, Japan's exports to Australia would increase.
　豪州との交渉は鉱工業品分野も重要だ。日本は豪州が輸入関税をかける自動車などの関税撤廃を要求している。実現すれば、豪州向けの輸出が拡大するはずだ。

With the envisaged agreement, Japan could also expect a more stable supply of iron ore and coal from Australia, which provides 60 percent of Japan's demand, and of rare earths, which are plentiful in the country.
　日本が需要の６割以上を依存する鉄鉱石と石炭や、豪州に豊富なレアアース（希土類）のさらなる安定供給も期待できよう。

South Korea has already signed free trade agreements with the United States and the European Union, and is engaged in FTA talks with Australia as well. Tokyo must become serious about its own free trade talks with Sydney, so it will not be beaten to the punch by Seoul.
　米国や欧州連合（ＥＵ）と自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）を結んだ韓国が、豪州とも交渉中だ。日本は韓国に先を越されないよう、本腰を入れて取り組まねばならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 12, 2011)
（2011年2月12日01時12分  読売新聞）

2011/02/11
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 10
EDITORIAL: Substituting rare earths
元素戦略―資源の制約に知恵で挑む

The "magical" elements of rare earths, which can make magnets stronger or produce light, are indispensable in high-tech products, such as motors for hybrid cars and electronic parts, for which Japan is famous.
　少し加えるだけで磁石の力を強めたり、光を出したり、レアアース（希土類）はまるで魔法のような元素だ。
　その魔法は、ハイブリッドカーのモーターやさまざまな電子部品など、日本が得意とするハイテク製品に欠かせない。

Unfortunately, the amount is limited. And major producer China has started to restrict exports, leading to a sharp rise in prices. This is a serious problem for Japan, which is poor in natural resources.
だが困ったことに量が限られ、また主要な産出国である中国が輸出を制限し始め、価格が急騰している。天然資源が乏しい日本にとって、深刻な問題だ。

What if such "magic" can be realized with iron, the most common element on Earth? This may not be a far-fetched dream.
　もし、地球上で最もありふれた元素である鉄で、その魔法を実現できたらどうだろう。
　それこそ夢のような話だが、決して夢ではないかもしれない。

Under an "element strategy," Japanese scientists are thoroughly studying chemical elements to draw new functions and replace rare elements with more common ones. With the support of government offices, including the ministry of science and technology and the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, researchers will host a symposium on their strategy in March.
　科学者たちが「元素戦略」と銘打って、元素をとことん研究することで、新たな機能を引き出したり、希少な元素の代替をしたりする研究を進めようとしている。文部科学省、経済産業省なども後押しし、３月にはシンポジウムが開かれる。

We want them to advance their research. Of course, it will not be easy, but there must be other researchers eager to take on this difficult challenge.
　大いに進めてほしい。決してやさしくはないが、困難だからこそ挑戦したいという研究者もいるはずだ。

Restrictions on resources are not limited to rare elements.
　資源の制約は希少元素に限らない。

For example, resources are limited for phosphoric acid and calcium, two of the three elements essential to plants. The other essential element, nitrogen in the air, can be turned into fertilizer in factories.
The limits are particularly true for phosphoric acid because China is starting to impose restrictions on exports of phosphate rocks from which it is produced.
　たとえば、植物に必須の３元素である窒素、リン酸、カリウムのうち、空気中の窒素を使って工場で肥料にできる窒素を除けば、資源はやはり限られている。とりわけリン酸については、中国が原料となるリン鉱石の輸出を制限し始めている。

Resources are also limited for rare metals, such as indium, which is indispensable for liquid crystal displays, and it is also difficult to find substitutes of more common elements, such as copper. The situation has led to increasing thefts.
　液晶パネルに欠かせないインジウムなどのレアメタル（希少金属）も、むろん資源は限られている。銅などのもっとありふれた元素も代替が難しく、盗難が相次ぐ事態になっている。

Technology concerning such materials is a specialty of Japan and Japanese industries. For example, Masato Sagawa of what was then Sumitomo Special Metals Co. was the first to develop a powerful magnet using neodymium, a rare metal, during the 1980s.
　こうした材料をめぐる技術は、産業界も含めて日本のお家芸だ。たとえばハイブリッドカーにも欠かせない、レアアースであるネオジムを使った強力な磁石は１９８０年代、住友特殊金属（当時）の佐川真人さんが世界に先駆けて開発した。

Professor Hideo Hosono of the Tokyo Institute of Technology is attracting international attention for developing a superconductive substance using iron.
　細野秀雄・東工大教授は、鉄を使って超伝導物質を開発し、世界的に注目されている。

But Japan cannot afford to be complacent. Last year, China surpassed Japan in terms of the number of important research papers in the area of substances and materials.
　しかし、安閑とはしていられない。物質・材料分野の重要論文の数では昨年、中国に抜かれてしまった。

The element strategy project was proposed by Eiichi Nakamura, a University of Tokyo professor, in 2004 to take advantage of Japan's strengths.
　元素戦略は、日本の強みを生かしてさらに飛躍しようと、中村栄一・東大教授が２００４年に提案した。

Technology to make fertilizer from nitrogen in the atmosphere was proposed at the end of the 19th century by a British chemist, who warned that people would starve if they ran out of nitrogen fertilizers.
　大気中の窒素を肥料にする技術は１９世紀末、「窒素肥料が足りなくなったら餓死者が出る。化学者は空気中の窒素を利用できるようにすべきだ」と英国の化学者が呼びかけた。

"I want young researchers with motivation to take the challenge," Hosono said.
　東工大の細野さんは「意欲のある若い研究者にぜひ挑戦してほしい」という。

With global resources becoming increasingly limited, research into the elements will become all the more important for humankind.
地球の資源が有限であることを考えれば、元素をとことん生かす研究は人類にとって重要だ。

We want Japan, which is scarce in natural resources, to bring this flower into full bloom.
資源小国の日本から、この花を大きく咲かせたい。

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 11, 2011)
Verbal clashes won't induce in-depth debate
党首討論　激突だけでは議論が深まらぬ（2月10日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Naoto Kan and major opposition party leaders--Sadakazu Tanigaki of the Liberal Democratic Party and Natsuo Yamaguchi of New Komeito--held their first question-time debates in the Diet on Wednesday.
　菅首相と、谷垣自民党総裁、山口公明党代表による初めての党首討論が行われた。

The debates centered on integrated tax and social security system reforms, but both sides, apparently with the unified local elections in April in mind, stuck stubbornly to their respective positions throughout.
　社会保障と税の一体改革が中心テーマだったが、双方とも統一地方選を意識し、従来の主張の言い合いに終始した。

If this kind of debate is the norm, in-depth policy discussions will be a pipe dream, no matter how often question time is held. We hope they will make their debates more constructive.
これでは何度やっても政策論議は深まるまい。建設的な論戦になるよう工夫してもらいたい。

Tanigaki said the Democratic Party of Japan had failed to honor its manifesto promises, saying the manifesto was not based on the assumption the consumption tax rate would be raised.
　谷垣氏は、民主党の政権公約が破綻しており、消費税導入も前提にしていないと指摘した。

He then lashed out at Kan by saying that if the government plans to compile a plan for integrated reforms of the tax and social security systems, including the consumption tax, in June, and review the party manifesto in September, the administration is putting the cart before the horse.
６月に消費税を含む一体改革案をまとめた後、９月に公約を見直すというのは手順が逆だと批判した。

Yamaguchi said the DPJ's failure to keep its manifesto promises constituted a violation of its mandate, and he asked if the administration would assume responsibility.
　山口氏も、政権公約の破綻は国民との契約違反だとして、責任をどうとるのかと追及した。

===

DPJ manifesto a failure

It is obvious that the DPJ's manifesto is a failure as it is not based on solid financial sources.
　財源の裏付けを欠く政権公約の破綻は、誰の目にも明らかだ。

Yet Kan stubbornly insisted: "They are policies no previous administration has been able to implement. They are not handout policies."
　だが、首相は「従来の政権が出来なかった政策だ。バラマキではない」と強弁した。

As long as Kan continues to take such an attitude while calling for cooperation from the opposition parties in discussing tax and social security system reforms, the LDP and New Komeito can hardly be expected to join the debate.
こんな姿勢で与野党協議を求めても、自民、公明両党が参加するはずがない。

Kan should first acknowledge the errors in the manifesto and agree to review it promptly and drastically.
　首相は政権公約の誤りを認め、早期かつ大胆に見直すことを言明すべきだ。

In the divided Diet, question time should be an opportunity for party leaders to exchange views without reserve and break the legislative gridlock.
ねじれ国会のもとでの党首討論は、党首同士が虚心坦懐(たんかい)に意見を述べ合い、難局を打開する場でもありたい。

When Kan asked Tanigaki whether his party would cooperate in discussing tax and social security systems together once the government compiles a concrete plan, the LDP leader said, "It's absurd for you to ask us to help you break the promises [the DPJ] made to the people."
On top of refusing to cooperate, Tanigaki demanded that Kan dissolve the House of Representatives for a general election.
　一方、首相は、谷垣氏に対し、社会保障改革の具体案がまとまれば与野党協議に応じるのかとただした。谷垣氏は、「国民との約束違反を手伝えというのは筋違いだ」と反論して、協議を拒み、衆院解散・総選挙を要求した。

===

LDP also has responsibility

The LDP leader's hard-line stance is probably based on the prevailing atmosphere in his party that refuses to extend a helping hand to keep the DPJ-led administration alive, when the public approval rating for the ruling party is so low.
　谷垣氏の強硬姿勢は、支持率が低迷する民主党政権の延命に手を貸す必要はないという自民党内の空気を踏まえたものだろう。

However, the LDP also has a responsibility as a party that held the reins of power for so long. Kan was right in replying, "Calling for dissolution of the lower house [for a general election] without discussing these issues is merely an attempt to put your party's interests first."
　だが、自民党には長年、政権を担当してきた政党としての責任がある。首相が「議論もしないで、まず解散では、党利優先だ」と切り返したのはもっともだ。

If the government and the ruling coalition comes up with a practical reform plan that clearly spells out where the necessary fiscal resources will come from, the LDP should join the discussion.
　政府・与党が、財源を明示した改革案を出してくれば、自民党は協議の席につくべきである。

Another focal point in the question-time debate concerned the political fund scandal involving former DPJ President Ichiro Ozawa, who was indicted last week.
　党首討論のもう一つの論点は、強制起訴された小沢一郎民主党元代表を巡る政治とカネの問題だった。

Tanigaki and Yamaguchi reiterated their demands that the ruling coalition have Ozawa appear as a sworn witness before the Diet.
谷垣、山口両氏は、小沢氏に対する野党の証人喚問要求に応じるよう決断を迫った。

Kan brushed off these demands by saying, "The issue should be discussed thoroughly in the Diet and then we could have him explain his case at an appropriate venue."
　だが、首相は、「国会の中でしっかり議論して、いずれかの場で説明していただけるよう努力したい」と述べるにとどまった。

To resolve the issue, the prime minister should soon comply with the opposition bloc's request to have Ozawa, who continues to avoid explaining his involvement in the Diet, summoned as a sworn witness.
　首相は、国会での説明を回避し続ける小沢氏の問題に決着をつけるため、早期に証人喚問に応じる必要がある。

As things stand now, Kan has only deepened the impression that the DPJ is a party that cannot make decisions.
このままでは、「何も決められない民主党」という印象を強めるばかりである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 10, 2011)
（2011年2月10日01時10分  読売新聞）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Feb. 10, 2011)
Don't let Japanese be 'nontariff barrier'
外国人看護師　日本語を非関税障壁にするな（2月9日付・読売社説）

Sending foreign nationals back to their home countries immediately if they fail to pass this nation's nursing certification test can only be considered as an excessively rule-obsessed approach.
　「試験に不合格なら、すみやかに帰国を」という対応は、杓(しゃく)子(し)定規に過ぎよう。

About 420 Indonesians and Filipinos--all of whom arrived in Japan to obtain nursing licenses in this country under economic partnership agreements--are set to take our nurse licensing exam in late February.
　経済連携協定（ＥＰＡ）に基づいてインドネシアとフィリピンから受け入れた約４２０人の看護師希望者が、今月下旬、看護師試験を受験する。

They are all licensed nurses in their own countries. If they want to work as nurses in Japan, however, they must pass the government-sanctioned examination during their three-year stay here.
　全員が母国で看護師資格を持っているが、日本で働くためには３年の在留期間中に日本の国家試験に合格しなければならない。

No foreign nurse passed the test in 2009, the first year they took the exam. In the second year, only three nurses passed the exam, meaning the proportion of successful non-Japanese applicants stood around the 1 percent range. This figure is in stark contrast to the success rate of about 90 percent among Japanese applicants.
　ところが、１年目は合格者がゼロで２年目は３人、率にして１％台だった。日本人の合格率約９０％と比べると落差が大き過ぎる。

The Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry has at last taken action to rectify the situation. The move comes in response to accusations that Indonesian and Philippine applicants for the test have been greatly handicapped by their difficulties in understanding the Japanese language--particularly kanji--used in the exam.
　日本語、特に漢字の判読が大きなハンデになっているためだ、との批判を受けて、厚生労働省もようやく重い腰を上げた。

===

Halfhearted measures

Last summer, the ministry put together a plan to improve the method for setting questions in the national test. Corrective steps included writing both the Japanese name of a disease and its corresponding English name, as well as placing kana alongside difficult kanji.
昨年夏、日本語の病名に英語を併記し、難解な漢字にはルビを振るといった試験問題の改善を図った。

However, it was concluded that the use of kana readings would not cover technical terms in medical and nursing care. The ministry also decided not to replace technical terms with easier-to-understand language--for instance, describing "jokuso" (decubitus ulcer) as "tokozure" (bedsore) and "gyogai" (supine position) as "aomuke" (lying on one's back).
　ただ、医療・看護の専門用語はルビの対象外で、「褥瘡(じょくそう)」は床ずれ、「仰(ぎょう)臥(が)位(い)」はあおむけと表記するといった平易な表現への言い換えも見送られた。

The ministry's seemingly halfhearted approach apparently was a nod to the Japan Nursing Association's negative stance toward greatly revising the method of examination. The association has been alarmed by an anticipated reduction in employment opportunities for Japanese nurses due to a possible increase in the number of foreign nurses in this country under the EPA pacts.
　日本人看護師の雇用機会が奪われることを警戒する日本看護協会が、大幅な見直しに消極的なのが一因という。

This state of affairs is sure to prevent a sharp rise in the percentage of successful non-Japanese applicants for the test. We believe the method for setting questions must be further improved.
これでは合格率が飛躍的に向上するはずがない。試験問題はさらなる改善が必要だ。

Examinees for the upcoming test include about 90 Indonesians and Filipinos sitting the annual exam for the third time. If they fail to pass, they will have to return home.
　今回の受験者のうち約９０人は、これが３度目の受験となり、合格しないと帰国せざるを得ない。

We find it unreasonable that the government should order these nurses to leave Japan if they fail to take their "final chances"--without examining whether measures adopted to correct the method of examination are sufficient. The length of their permitted stay in Japan should be extended so they could sit the national test next year and beyond.
　試験問題の見直しが十分かどうか検証しないまま「これで最後」という扱いでよいのか。在留期間を延長して、来年以降も受験可能にすべきだろう。

===

Ties could be affected

The system for accepting Indonesians and Filipinos under the EPA programs also covers those hoping to be licensed as providers of nursing care for elderly and disabled people in this country. They are permitted to stay in Japan for four years during which they must acquire three years of work experience at relevant facilities before taking this country's nursing care licensing exam. This means they have only one chance to take the annual test.
　インドネシア、フィリピンとのＥＰＡに基づく受け入れは、介護福祉士も対象だ。こちらは４年の在留期間を与えているが、介護福祉士試験は３年の実務経験を受験資格に課しているため、実際の受験機会はたった１度しかない。

We think the length of their stay also needs to be extended to give them several opportunities to take the test.
　彼らにも在留期間の延長を認めて、複数回の受験機会を確保する必要がある。

Nevertheless, reconsidering the method of examination and extending the permitted duration of stay are mere stopgap measures.
　試験問題の見直しや在留期間延長は、基本的には弥縫(びほう)策だ。

Indonesia and the Philippines may feel the extremely low success rate of their applicants for the nurse certification exam symbolizes what many see as Japan's self-centeredness. To them, Japan may appear to be using its own language in the exam as a "nontariff barrier" to the employment of foreign nurses and others, despite selling a large volume of products to their countries under the economic partnership agreements.
　インドネシアやフィリピンにすれば、極端な合格率の低さは、ＥＰＡで製品をどんどん売り込みながら、看護師らの受け入れは、日本語という“非関税障壁”でブロックしている「日本の身勝手さの象徴」と映るのではないか。

The status quo could develop into diplomatic disputes with Indonesia and the Philippines.
　このままでは両国との外交摩擦に発展しかねない。

We hope Prime Minister Naoto Kan will take the initiative in considering ways to fundamentally correct the situation.
菅首相には、政治主導で抜本的な是正策の検討を進めてもらいたい。

Failure to do so would disgrace his avowed effort to "reopen the nation in the Heisei era."
　それなしでは「平成の開国」の看板が泣くというものだろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Feb. 9, 2011)
（2011年2月9日01時29分  読売新聞）

朝日新聞はビルマの民主化推進を支援するためにこの記事を掲載しました。
読売新聞はどうしたのでしょかね＾＾。これぞ価値観の違い。
取り上げる記事は新聞社各社が自由に決定する、これも民主主義には違いない。
価値観や意見の分裂を許すからこそ民主主義！
普通は毎日新聞が一番先に飛びつくような記事ですが今回、毎日さんおとなしいですね。
（スラチャイ記）

2011/02/09
--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 8
EDITORIAL: Myanmar's parliament
ミャンマー―新政権は民主化へ行動を

The newly inaugurated parliament of Myanmar (Burma) convened last week in the gleaming new capital city of Naypyidaw. The event marked the official opening of the massive parliament building, but the media were not allowed near it. It was only from state-run news programs at night that the public learned about the decisions of the parliament, the first elected legislature in 20 years.
　新首都に建設された壮大な議事堂。そこで開かれる初めての国会。華やかなこけら落としのはずなのにメディアは建物にさえ近づけない。夜の国営ニュースが決定事項を伝えるだけだ。

So much for Myanmar's "new start" last week. There was nothing to indicate that the nation had moved any closer to democracy.
　国の変化や「民主化」への期待感など、まったく伝わらない門出である。

The military regime's former prime minister, Thein Sein, was named president by the new parliament, which was elected last November.
　ミャンマー（ビルマ）で国会が開かれ、軍事政権の首相だったテイン・セイン氏が大統領に選ばれた。

A new Cabinet will be formed soon, which the military regime claims will spell a "transition to democratic rule."
　昨年１１月、２０年ぶりに実施された総選挙を受けた国家元首の誕生だ。新内閣がまもなく発足し、これをもって「民政に移管する」と軍政はいう。

An elected administration sounds a lot better than a regime without a Constitution or parliament. But in reality, one-quarter of the seats of the new parliament are reserved for military officers. Even among the elected members, former military officers make up an overwhelming majority.
　憲法もない、議会もない統治から、選挙を経て新政権が誕生する。聞こえはいいが、議会の４分の１は軍人枠だ。選挙を経た議員の圧倒的多数も軍服を脱いだ元軍人である。

The support of more than three-quarters of the parliament is needed to amend the current Constitution, which was instituted by the military junta three years ago. It seems that the new administration is designed to legalize and perpetuate oppressive rule.
　３年前に軍主導で制定された憲法を改正するには国会の４分の３を超える賛成が必要なので、実際には合法を装った圧政の永続ともいえる。

Senior General Than Shwe, chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, was not named president. Some Myanmar watchers say this at least shows some progress.
　軍政トップのタン・シュエ国家平和発展評議会議長が大統領に就任しなかったことで、最低限の前進はあったという見方もある。

However, Thein Sein is Mynamar's fourth highest ranked military official. As Than Shwe's loyal lieutenant, he was the face of the junta.
　しかし、軍序列４位のテイン・セイン氏は議長の忠実な部下として、対外的な役割を担った人物だ。

In Myanmar, the commander of the armed forces holds greater power than the president. The commander appoints the ministers of defense, internal affairs and others, and is vested with wide-ranging powers by the president in times of emergency.
　この国では、大統領以上の権力を握るポストがある。国軍司令官だ。国防相、内相らを任命するほか、非常時には大統領から全権を譲り受ける。

Than Shwe currently serves as commander of Myanmar's armed forces. Although the new administration's National Security Council is to appoint a new commander, nothing will change if Than Shwe is reappointed.
　タン・シュエ議長は現在、国軍司令官を兼務する。新政権の治安評議会が新司令官を選ぶが、議長が再びそこに座れば、状況は何も変わらない。

If the new administration is aiming at democratic rule, it must show its sincerity at home as well as abroad. The real test lies in who will be appointed to key government posts. If Than Shwe remains in his post or is allowed to keep pulling the strings, Myanmar will find it hard to convince anybody that it is moving toward democratic rule.
　新政権が「民政」をうたうなら、その意思を内外に示さねばならない。試金石は人事の刷新だ。タン・シュエ氏が司令官にとどまったり、闇将軍として権勢をふるったりすれば、民政移管とはとても認められない。

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has demanded that the United States and European countries lift their economic sanctions against Myanmar, on the grounds that Myanmar has held national elections and released democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest.
　東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）は、総選挙の実施と民主化指導者アウン・サン・スー・チーさんの自宅軟禁解除を理由に、欧米諸国が同国に科す経済制裁の解除を求めた。

The Japanese government, too, acknowledges "some credit" is due to Myanmar for Suu Kyi's release and for the general elections, according to Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara.
　日本政府も、総選挙とスー・チーさんの解放については「一定の評価をしている」（前原誠司外相）という。

But it is still too soon for Japan to demand the lifting of the sanctions or to resume full-scale aid to Myanmar. Japan must await specific actions by the new administration.
　しかしまだ、日本が経済制裁解除を求める、あるいは本格的な援助を再開するといった時期ではない。新政府の具体的な行動を待つ必要がある。

Suu Kyi won her election 21 years ago by a landslide, and she is still an extremely popular figure in her country. Unless the new administration swiftly initiates dialogue with her in earnest, there can be no national reconciliation.
　スー・チーさんとの対話を速やかに、かつ本格的に始めるかどうか。２１年前の選挙で圧勝し、いまでも国民の間に高い人気のある彼女を抜きにして国民和解はあり得ない。

The new regime must also immediately free political prisoners. There are estimated to be around 2,000 people held for political reasons.
　さらに約２千人とされる政治犯の釈放もまったなしだ。

The Japanese government must patiently work with neighboring nations to pressure the new administration to take those steps.
　日本政府は新政権がこうした取り組みを進めるよう、周辺諸国とともに粘り強く働きかけなければならない。