To the families of those we've lost;　（残された人々へ）

アリゾナ州ツーソンで行われたオバマ大統領の弔意スピーチのスクリプトです。
日本のどんな政治家でも、これほどイモーショナルなスピーチは出来ないでしょう。
原稿を読まず、心の底から犠牲となった人々に哀悼の意をささげ、これから先、残された我々はどのような道を歩むべきか丹念に人々に話しかける姿に感動して涙が出ました。
１月２５日のスピーチに勝るとも劣らない素晴らしいスピーチだと思います。
歴史に残るでしょう。
（スラチャイ記）

TUCSON, Ariz. - There are the prepared remarks for delivery by President Barack Obama for the Memorial Service for the Victims of the Shooting in Tucson, Arizona.

"To the families of those we've lost; to all who called them friends; to the students of this university, the public servants gathered tonight, and the people of Tucson and Arizona: I have come here tonight as an American who, like all Americans, kneels to pray with you today, and will stand by you tomorrow.

There is nothing I can say that will fill the sudden hole torn in your hearts. But know this: the hopes of a nation are here tonight. We mourn with you for the fallen. We join you in your grief. And we add our faith to yours that Representative Gabrielle Giffords and the other living victims of this tragedy pull through.

As Scripture tells us:

There is a river whose streams make glad the city of God,
the holy place where the Most High dwells.
God is within her, she will not fall;
God will help her at break of day.

On Saturday morning, Gabby, her staff, and many of her constituents gathered outside a supermarket to exercise their right to peaceful assembly and free speech. They were fulfilling a central tenet of the democracy envisioned by our founders - representatives of the people answering to their constituents, so as to carry their concerns to our nation's capital. Gabby called it "Congress on Your Corner" - just an updated version of government of and by and for the people.

That is the quintessentially American scene that was shattered by a gunman's bullets. And the six people who lost their lives on Saturday - they too represented what is best in America.

Judge John Roll served our legal system for nearly 40 years. A graduate of this university and its law school, Judge Roll was recommended for the federal bench by John McCain twenty years ago, appointed by President George H.W. Bush, and rose to become Arizona's chief federal judge. His colleagues described him as the hardest-working judge within the Ninth Circuit. He was on his way back from attending Mass, as he did every day, when he decided to stop by and say hi to his Representative. John is survived by his loving wife, Maureen, his three sons, and his five grandchildren.

George and Dorothy Morris - "Dot" to her friends - were high school sweethearts who got married and had two daughters. They did everything together, traveling the open road in their RV, enjoying what their friends called a 50-year honeymoon. Saturday morning, they went by the Safeway to hear what their Congresswoman had to say. When gunfire rang out, George, a former Marine, instinctively tried to shield his wife. Both were shot. Dot passed away.

A New Jersey native, Phyllis Schneck retired to Tucson to beat the snow. But in the summer, she would return East, where her world revolved around her 3 children, 7 grandchildren, and 2 year-old great-granddaughter. A gifted quilter, she'd often work under her favorite tree, or sometimes sew aprons with the logos of the Jets and the Giants to give out at the church where she volunteered. A Republican, she took a liking to Gabby, and wanted to get to know her better.

Dorwan and Mavy Stoddard grew up in Tucson together - about seventy years ago. They moved apart and started their own respective families, but after both were widowed they found their way back here, to, as one of Mavy's daughters put it, "be boyfriend and girlfriend again." When they weren't out on the road in their motor home, you could find them just up the road, helping folks in need at the Mountain Avenue Church of Christ. A retired construction worker, Dorwan spent his spare time fixing up the church along with their dog, Tux. His final act of selflessness was to dive on top of his wife, sacrificing his life for hers.

Everything Gabe Zimmerman did, he did with passion - but his true passion was people. As Gabby's outreach director, he made the cares of thousands of her constituents his own, seeing to it that seniors got the Medicare benefits they had earned, that veterans got the medals and care they deserved, that government was working for ordinary folks. He died doing what he loved - talking with people and seeing how he could help. Gabe is survived by his parents, Ross and Emily, his brother, Ben, and his fianc??ce, Kelly, who he planned to marry next year.

And then there is nine year-old Christina Taylor Green. Christina was an A student, a dancer, a gymnast, and a swimmer. She often proclaimed that she wanted to be the first woman to play in the major leagues, and as the only girl on her Little League team, no one put it past her. She showed an appreciation for life uncommon for a girl her age, and would remind her mother, "We are so blessed. We have the best life." And she'd pay those blessings back by participating in a charity that helped children who were less fortunate.

Our hearts are broken by their sudden passing. Our hearts are broken - and yet, our hearts also have reason for fullness.

Our hearts are full of hope and thanks for the 13 Americans who survived the shooting, including the congresswoman many of them went to see on Saturday. I have just come from the University Medical Center, just a mile from here, where our friend Gabby courageously fights to recover even as we speak. And I can tell you this - she knows we're here and she knows we love her and she knows that we will be rooting for her throughout what will be a difficult journey.

And our hearts are full of gratitude for those who saved others. We are grateful for Daniel Hernandez, a volunteer in Gabby's office who ran through the chaos to minister to his boss, tending to her wounds to keep her alive. We are grateful for the men who tackled the gunman as he stopped to reload. We are grateful for a petite 61 year-old, Patricia Maisch, who wrestled away the killer's ammunition, undoubtedly saving some lives. And we are grateful for the doctors and nurses and emergency medics who worked wonders to heal those who'd been hurt.

These men and women remind us that heroism is found not only on the fields of battle. They remind us that heroism does not require special training or physical strength. Heroism is here, all around us, in the hearts of so many of our fellow citizens, just waiting to be summoned - as it was on Saturday morning.

Their actions, their selflessness, also pose a challenge to each of us. It raises the question of what, beyond the prayers and expressions of concern, is required of us going forward. How can we honor the fallen? How can we be true to their memory?

You see, when a tragedy like this strikes, it is part of our nature to demand explanations - to try to impose some order on the chaos, and make sense out of that which seems senseless. Already we've seen a national conversation commence, not only about the motivations behind these killings, but about everything from the merits of gun safety laws to the adequacy of our mental health systems. Much of this process, of debating what might be done to prevent such tragedies in the future, is an essential ingredient in our exercise of self-government.

But at a time when our discourse has become so sharply polarized - at a time when we are far too eager to lay the blame for all that ails the world at the feet of those who think differently than we do - it's important for us to pause for a moment and make sure that we are talking with each other in a way that heals, not a way that wounds.

Scripture tells us that there is evil in the world, and that terrible things happen for reasons that defy human understanding. In the words of Job, "when I looked for light, then came darkness." Bad things happen, and we must guard against simple explanations in the aftermath.

For the truth is that none of us can know exactly what triggered this vicious attack. None of us can know with any certainty what might have stopped those shots from being fired, or what thoughts lurked in the inner recesses of a violent man's mind.

So yes, we must examine all the facts behind this tragedy. We cannot and will not be passive in the face of such violence. We should be willing to challenge old assumptions in order to lessen the prospects of violence in the future.

But what we can't do is use this tragedy as one more occasion to turn on one another. As we discuss these issues, let each of us do so with a good dose of humility. Rather than pointing fingers or assigning blame, let us use this occasion to expand our moral imaginations, to listen to each other more carefully, to sharpen our instincts for empathy, and remind ourselves of all the ways our hopes and dreams are bound together.

After all, that's what most of us do when we lose someone in our family - especially if the loss is unexpected. We're shaken from our routines, and forced to look inward. We reflect on the past. Did we spend enough time with an aging parent, we wonder. Did we express our gratitude for all the sacrifices they made for us? Did we tell a spouse just how desperately we loved them, not just once in awhile but every single day?

So sudden loss causes us to look backward - but it also forces us to look forward, to reflect on the present and the future, on the manner in which we live our lives and nurture our relationships with those who are still with us. We may ask ourselves if we've shown enough kindness and generosity and compassion to the people in our lives. Perhaps we question whether we are doing right by our children, or our community, and whether our priorities are in order. We recognize our own mortality, and are reminded that in the fleeting time we have on this earth, what matters is not wealth, or status, or power, or fame - but rather, how well we have loved, and what small part we have played in bettering the lives of others.

That process of reflection, of making sure we align our values with our actions - that, I believe, is what a tragedy like this requires. For those who were harmed, those who were killed - they are part of our family, an American family 300 million strong. We may not have known them personally, but we surely see ourselves in them. In George and Dot, in Dorwan and Mavy, we sense the abiding love we have for our own husbands, our own wives, our own life partners. Phyllis - she's our mom or grandma; Gabe our brother or son. In Judge Roll, we recognize not only a man who prized his family and doing his job well, but also a man who embodied America's fidelity to the law. In Gabby, we see a reflection of our public spiritedness, that desire to participate in that sometimes frustrating, sometimes contentious, but always necessary and never-ending process to form a more perfect union.

And in Christina...in Christina we see all of our children. So curious, so trusting, so energetic and full of magic.

So deserving of our love.

And so deserving of our good example. If this tragedy prompts reflection and debate, as it should, let's make sure it's worthy of those we have lost. Let's make sure it's not on the usual plane of politics and point scoring and pettiness that drifts away with the next news cycle.

The loss of these wonderful people should make every one of us strive to be better in our private lives - to be better friends and neighbors, co-workers and parents. And if, as has been discussed in recent days, their deaths help usher in more civility in our public discourse, let's remember that it is not because a simple lack of civility caused this tragedy, but rather because only a more civil and honest public discourse can help us face up to our challenges as a nation, in a way that would make them proud. It should be because we want to live up to the example of public servants like John Roll and Gabby Giffords, who knew first and foremost that we are all Americans, and that we can question each other's ideas without questioning each other's love of country, and that our task, working together, is to constantly widen the circle of our concern so that we bequeath the American dream to future generations.

I believe we can be better. Those who died here, those who saved lives here - they help me believe. We may not be able to stop all evil in the world, but I know that how we treat one another is entirely up to us. I believe that for all our imperfections, we are full of decency and goodness, and that the forces that divide us are not as strong as those that unite us.

That's what I believe, in part because that's what a child like Christina Taylor Green believed. Imagine: here was a young girl who was just becoming aware of our democracy; just beginning to understand the obligations of citizenship; just starting to glimpse the fact that someday she too might play a part in shaping her nation's future. She had been elected to her student council; she saw public service as something exciting, something hopeful. She was off to meet her congresswoman, someone she was sure was good and important and might be a role model. She saw all this through the eyes of a child, undimmed by the cynicism or vitriol that we adults all too often just take for granted.

I want us to live up to her expectations. I want our democracy to be as good as she imagined it. All of us - we should do everything we can to make sure this country lives up to our children's expectations.

Christina was given to us on September 11th, 2001, one of 50 babies born that day to be pictured in a book called "Faces of Hope." On either side of her photo in that book were simple wishes for a child's life. "I hope you help those in need," read one. "I hope you know all of the words to the National Anthem and sing it with your hand over your heart. I hope you jump in rain puddles."

If there are rain puddles in heaven, Christina is jumping in them today. And here on Earth, we place our hands over our hearts, and commit ourselves as Americans to forging a country that is forever worthy of her gentle, happy spirit.

May God bless and keep those we've lost in restful and eternal peace. May He love and watch over the survivors. And may He bless the United States of America."

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 27, 2011)
Slowly but surely, ease Okinawa's burden
在沖縄米軍基地　負担減を普天間移設の一歩に（1月26日付・読売社説）

Slow but steady efforts must be made to reduce the burden shouldered by residents of Okinawa Prefecture in hosting U.S. military bases there, a task that needs to be fulfilled to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps' Futenma Air Station in the prefecture.
　米軍基地負担の軽減策を地道に積み重ね、普天間飛行場の移設実現につなげねばなるまい。

On Tuesday, the national and prefectural governments held another round of talks on policy issues related to U.S. bases. At a section meeting on how to alleviate the burden of hosting bases, the central government reported on the recent agreement reached between Tokyo and Washington over a plan to transfer some exercises involving fighter planes from Kadena Air Base in the prefecture to Guam. The accord can be viewed as an effort to ease the suffering endured by residents due to noise pollution from the Kadena facility.
　政府と沖縄県による沖縄政策協議会の米軍基地負担軽減部会で、政府は、嘉手納基地の戦闘機訓練の一部をグアムに移転するとの日米合意を報告した。周辺住民の騒音被害の軽減を図るものだ。

Also in Tuesday's meeting, the government told prefectural and other officials it was shifting into high gear in negotiations with the U.S. administration over an earlier bilateral accord on the Gimbaru Training Area. The government emphasized its determination to ensure that the agreement, reached on the return of the training site to Japan in 1996, would be implemented in July.
　１９９６年に日米が合意していたギンバル訓練場の全面返還についても、政府は、今年７月の実現を目指し、米側との交渉を本格化させていると説明した。

There is no question that residents of Okinawa Prefecture have long been forced to endure an excessive burden, providing an overwhelming 75 percent of the land occupied by U.S. military bases and other facilities in this country.
　在日米軍基地の７５％が集中する沖縄が、過重な負担を強いられていることは論をまたない。

Meanwhile, the significance of the U.S. armed presence in the prefecture is even greater today, given the severity of the recent security environment surrounding Japan and East Asia.
一方で、最近の日本と東アジアの安全保障環境は厳しく、米軍が沖縄に駐留する意義は大きくなっている。

===

Even small steps important

The latest agreement on the transfer of some exercises from the Kadena base, as well as the envisaged return of the Gimbaru site, point to the significance of making even the slightest headway in reducing the burden on the prefecture and obtaining support and cooperation for these actions from local residents. Doing so is indispensable for securing U.S. forces' stable use of military installations in the prefecture.
　今回のような訓練移転や施設返還を通じて、沖縄の負担軽減を一歩でも進め、周辺住民の理解を広げることは、米軍基地の安定使用を確保するうえで欠かせない。

The Japanese government must continue to explore various ways of alleviating the burden born by residents in the prefecture and eventually achieve those goals.
　政府は引き続き、様々な基地負担軽減策を追求し、実現していくことが求められよう。

Since last month, Prime Minister Naoto Kan and several Cabinet members associated with the base issue have visited Okinawa Prefecture.
　先月以降、菅首相や関係閣僚の沖縄訪問が相次いでいる。

This comes after the Kan administration was often inclined to put off dealing with all intractable base-related problems, so we believe his government merits praise for beginning to seriously address the issue of U.S. bases in the prefecture.
　菅政権は従来、難題をすべて先送りする姿勢が目立っていたが、沖縄の米軍基地問題に真剣に取り組み始めたこと自体は、前向きな動きと評価していい。

There is no doubt that the relocation of the Futenma installation is the most important task for the government in resolving the base issue.
　無論、最も重要なのが普天間飛行場の移設問題である。

It will be no easy task for the Kan administration to make sure the prefectural government retracts its continued demand that the Futenma heliport be relocated outside the prefecture. Still, it is essential for it to make progress in resolving the Futenma dispute, a task that must be accomplished to help reduce the burden shouldered by residents near the heliport and restore trust in the Japan-U.S. alliance.
　沖縄県側は、「県外移設」を主張しており、翻意させるのは簡単ではない。だが、普天間飛行場周辺住民の負担軽減と、日米同盟の信頼性回復の両方の観点から、問題を前進させることが大切だ。

With this in mind, the government must earnestly work to ease the burden shouldered by the prefecture as a whole and at the same time promote the development--economic, industrial and otherwise--of the prefecture, thus mending its tattered relations with local leaders and residents. This should be complemented by persistent efforts to persuade them to accept the government plan to relocate the Futenma base within the prefecture.
　沖縄県全体の負担軽減や沖縄振興に誠実に取り組み、地元との関係を着実に修復する。そのうえで、普天間飛行場の県内移設について粘り強く説得を重ねる――。

All this is an obligation to be fulfilled by the Democratic Party of Japan-led government, which has created the current difficult situation involving the Futenma controversy.
　それが、普天間問題の困難な現状を招いた民主党政権のとるべき道であり、責任だろう。

===

Cabinet needs united voice

It is disturbing to see that Cabinet ministers related to the base issue are far from united in addressing the Futenma dispute.
　疑問なのは、関係閣僚の足並みが乱れていることだ。

Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara is hurrying to obtain a final government decision about matters related to the construction of an alternative facility for Futenma. For instance, he has reportedly insisted on dropping one of two alternatives presented in an earlier report compiled by specialists from the Japanese and U.S. governments concerning how to arrange runways at a planned new airfield, and called for adopting the other as the construction method for the project.
The report proposed two possible construction methods--one requiring two runways to be placed in a V-shaped configuration, and the other designed to build an extended runway in what is called the I-shaped format.
Maehara's approach is apparently aimed at laying the groundwork for a successful trip to the United States by the prime minister in the spring.
　前原外相は、Ｖ字案とＩ字案がある滑走路配置方式の一本化など、普天間飛行場の代替施設計画の決定を急いでいる。今春の菅首相訪米の環境整備が狙いである。

The foreign minister's stance contrasts with the negative view expressed about his idea by Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa. "I will not adopt a crude approach in which the Japanese and U.S. governments bypass Okinawa in making decisions," Kitazawa has said.
　だが、北沢防衛相は、「沖縄の頭越しで日米が物事を決める稚拙な対応はしない」と否定的だ。

It should be remembered that the Futenma issue became utterly confused partly because members of former Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama's Cabinet repeatedly expressed different positions. Kan needs to ensure that Cabinet members related to the issue of relocating Futenma speak with one voice.
　閣僚がバラバラな言動を繰り返したことが、鳩山前政権が普天間問題を迷走させた一因だった。菅首相は、早期に関係閣僚の意思統一を図る必要がある。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 26, 2011)
（2011年1月26日01時17分  読売新聞）

本日（火曜日）のオバマ大統領の演説のスクリプトをブログに掲載した後、メールをチェックしたら、オバマ大統領からメールが届いていました。
演説の中でも、この手紙の中でも、オバマ大統領は共和党への文句をひとこともいいません。
党派を超えてアメリカのために手を携えてともにたちあがろう。
みんなの力でアメリカをよくしようじゃないか。
皆、同じアメリカ国民じゃないか、というのが骨子です。
日本の政治家、オバマ大統領を見習って欲しいと思いました。
レベル（格）が違いますね＾＾。

Kiyoshi --

Tonight I addressed the American people on the future we face together.

Though at times it may seem uncertain, it is a future that is ours to decide, ours to define, and ours to win.

I know we will.

Because, after the worst recession in decades, we see an economy growing again.

Because, after two years of job losses, we've added private-sector jobs for 12 straight months -- more than 1 million in all.

Because, time after time, when our resolve has been tested, we, as a nation, have always prevailed.

Overcoming the challenges we face today requires a new vision for tomorrow. We will move forward together, or not at all -- for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.

Yet the story of America is this: We do big things.

Just as the progress of the past two years would not have been possible without your hard work, we will not realize the agenda I described tonight without you.

So as we continue this great mission together, and we set out the plans for how far we can go, I need to know that you are ready to work side by side with me once more.

Will you stand with me as we strive to win the future?

The last two years have been marked by unprecedented reforms and historic progress.

But there is much more work to do.

Moving forward, America's economic growth at home is inextricably connected to our competitiveness in the global community. The more products American companies can export, the more jobs we can create at home.

This vision for the future starts with innovation, tapping into the creativity and imagination of our people to create the jobs and industries of the future. Instead of subsidizing yesterday's energy, let's invest in tomorrow's. It's why I challenged Congress to join me in setting a new goal: By 2035, 80 percent of America's electricity will come from clean energy sources.

It means leading the world in educating our kids, giving each of our children the best opportunity to succeed and preparing them for the jobs of tomorrow.

We must build a 21st century infrastructure for our country, putting millions of Americans to work rebuilding roads and bridges and expanding high-speed Internet and high-speed rail.

We must reform government, making it leaner, smarter, and more transparent.

And we must take responsibility for our shared debt, reining in our long-term deficit so we can afford the investments we need to move our country forward.

That is the vision I laid out tonight. That is how we win the future.

It is going to take a lot of work -- but I have no doubt we are up to the task.

Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik, we had no idea how we'd beat them to the moon. The science wasn't there yet. NASA didn't even exist.

But after investing in better research and education, we didn't just surpass the Soviets. We unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.

This is our generation's Sputnik moment.

Please stand together with me:

http://my.barackobama.com/WintheFuture

It is because of each of you, who define the will of a people, that the state of our union is strong in the face of tough challenges. You are the reason our future is still bright in the face of deep uncertainty.

And you are the reason I believe that future is ours to win.

Thank you,

Barack

オバマ大統領は火曜日に、まさに渾身ともいえるほどの政治生命をかけたスピーチを行いました。
準備には相当長い時間をかけ、気の遠くなるほどの努力をされたものだと推測されます。
この演説の数日前に、オバマ大統領を支持する世界中の人々に向けてダイレクトメールが届きました。
スラチャイもこのダイレクトメールをいただきました。
今朝、演説のスクリプトが活字となっているのを発見。
２時間かけて、一気に読み下しました。
途中で感動して、胸がつまり、何度も涙を流しました。
オバマ大統領はやはりすごい人です。
ますます、大好きになりました。
（スラチャイ記）

Remarks of President Barack Obama -- As Prepared for Delivery
 
Tuesday, January 25, 2011; 8:16 PM

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Tonight I want to begin by congratulating the men and women of the 112th Congress, as well as your new Speaker, John Boehner. And as we mark this occasion, we are also mindful of the empty chair in this Chamber, and pray for the health of our colleague -- and our friend -- Gabby Giffords.

It's no secret that those of us here tonight have had our differences over the last two years. The debates have been contentious; we have fought fiercely for our beliefs. And that's a good thing. That's what a robust democracy demands. That's what helps set us apart as a nation.

But there's a reason the tragedy in Tucson gave us pause. Amid all the noise and passions and rancor of our public debate, Tucson reminded us that no matter who we are or where we come from, each of us is a part of something greater -- something more consequential than party or political preference.

We are part of the American family. We believe that in a country where every race and faith and point of view can be found, we are still bound together as one people; that we share common hopes and a common creed; that the dreams of a little girl in Tucson are not so different than those of our own children, and that they all deserve the chance to be fulfilled.

That, too, is what sets us apart as a nation.

Now, by itself, this simple recognition won't usher in a new era of cooperation. What comes of this moment is up to us. What comes of this moment will be determined not by whether we can sit together tonight, but whether we can work together tomorrow.

I believe we can. I believe we must. That's what the people who sent us here expect of us. With their votes, they've determined that governing will now be a shared responsibility between parties. New laws will only pass with support from Democrats and Republicans. We will move forward together, or not at all -- for the challenges we face are bigger than party, and bigger than politics.

At stake right now is not who wins the next election -- after all, we just had an election. At stake is whether new jobs and industries take root in this country, or somewhere else. It's whether the hard work and industry of our people is rewarded. It's whether we sustain the leadership that has made America not just a place on a map, but a light to the world.

We are poised for progress. Two years after the worst recession most of us have ever known, the stock market has come roaring back. Corporate profits are up. The economy is growing again.

But we have never measured progress by these yardsticks alone. We measure progress by the success of our people. By the jobs they can find and the quality of life those jobs offer. By the prospects of a small business owner who dreams of turning a good idea into a thriving enterprise. By the opportunities for a better life that we pass on to our children.

That's the project the American people want us to work on. Together.

We did that in December. Thanks to the tax cuts we passed, Americans' paychecks are a little bigger today. Every business can write off the full cost of the new investments they make this year. These steps, taken by Democrats and Republicans, will grow the economy and add to the more than one million private sector jobs created last year.

But we have more work to do. The steps we've taken over the last two years may have broken the back of this recession -- but to win the future, we'll need to take on challenges that have been decades in the making.

Many people watching tonight can probably remember a time when finding a good job meant showing up at a nearby factory or a business downtown. You didn't always need a degree, and your competition was pretty much limited to your neighbors. If you worked hard, chances are you'd have a job for life, with a decent paycheck, good benefits, and the occasional promotion. Maybe you'd even have the pride of seeing your kids work at the same company.

That world has changed. And for many, the change has been painful. I've seen it in the shuttered windows of once booming factories, and the vacant storefronts of once busy Main Streets. I've heard it in the frustrations of Americans who've seen their paychecks dwindle or their jobs disappear -- proud men and women who feel like the rules have been changed in the middle of the game.

They're right. The rules have changed. In a single generation, revolutions in technology have transformed the way we live, work and do business. Steel mills that once needed 1,000 workers can now do the same work with 100. Today, just about any company can set up shop, hire workers, and sell their products wherever there's an internet connection.

Meanwhile, nations like China and India realized that with some changes of their own, they could compete in this new world. And so they started educating their children earlier and longer, with greater emphasis on math and science. They're investing in research and new technologies. Just recently, China became home to the world's largest private solar research facility, and the world's fastest computer.

So yes, the world has changed. The competition for jobs is real. But this shouldn't discourage us. It should challenge us. Remember ? for all the hits we've taken these last few years, for all the naysayers predicting our decline, America still has the largest, most prosperous economy in the world. No workers are more productive than ours. No country has more successful companies, or grants more patents to inventors and entrepreneurs. We are home to the world's best colleges and universities, where more students come to study than any other place on Earth.

What's more, we are the first nation to be founded for the sake of an idea -- the idea that each of us deserves the chance to shape our own destiny. That is why centuries of pioneers and immigrants have risked everything to come here. It's why our students don't just memorize equations, but answer questions like "What do you think of that idea? What would you change about the world? What do you want to be when you grow up?"

The future is ours to win. But to get there, we can't just stand still. As Robert Kennedy told us, "The future is not a gift. It is an achievement." Sustaining the American Dream has never been about standing pat. It has required each generation to sacrifice, and struggle, and meet the demands of a new age.

Now it's our turn. We know what it takes to compete for the jobs and industries of our time. We need to out-innovate, out-educate, and out-build the rest of the world. We have to make America the best place on Earth to do business. We need to take responsibility for our deficit, and reform our government. That's how our people will prosper. That's how we'll win the future. And tonight, I'd like to talk about how we get there.

The first step in winning the future is encouraging American innovation.

None of us can predict with certainty what the next big industry will be, or where the new jobs will come from. Thirty years ago, we couldn't know that something called the Internet would lead to an economic revolution. What we can do -- what America does better than anyone -- is spark the creativity and imagination of our people. We are the nation that put cars in driveways and computers in offices; the nation of Edison and the Wright brothers; of Google and Facebook. In America, innovation doesn't just change our lives. It's how we make a living.

Our free enterprise system is what drives innovation. But because it's not always profitable for companies to invest in basic research, throughout history our government has provided cutting-edge scientists and inventors with the support that they need. That's what planted the seeds for the Internet. That's what helped make possible things like computer chips and GPS.

Just think of all the good jobs -- from manufacturing to retail -- that have come from those breakthroughs.

Half a century ago, when the Soviets beat us into space with the launch of a satellite called Sputnik， we had no idea how we'd beat them to the moon. The science wasn't there yet. NASA didn't even exist. But after investing in better research and education, we didn't just surpass the Soviets; we unleashed a wave of innovation that created new industries and millions of new jobs.

This is our generation's Sputnik moment. Two years ago, I said that we needed to reach a level of research and development we haven't seen since the height of the Space Race. In a few weeks, I will be sending a budget to Congress that helps us meet that goal. We'll invest in biomedical research, information technology, and especially clean energy technology -- an investment that will strengthen our security, protect our planet, and create countless new jobs for our people.

Already, we are seeing the promise of renewable energy. Robert and Gary Allen are brothers who run a small Michigan roofing company. After September 11th, they volunteered their best roofers to help repair the Pentagon. But half of their factory went unused, and the recession hit them hard.

Today, with the help of a government loan, that empty space is being used to manufacture solar shingles that are being sold all across the country. In Robert's words, "We reinvented ourselves."

That's what Americans have done for over two hundred years: reinvented ourselves. And to spur on more success stories like the Allen Brothers, we've begun to reinvent our energy policy. We're not just handing out money. We're issuing a challenge. We're telling America's scientists and engineers that if they assemble teams of the best minds in their fields, and focus on the hardest problems in clean energy, we'll fund the Apollo Projects of our time.

At the California Institute of Technology, they're developing a way to turn sunlight and water into fuel for our cars. At Oak Ridge National Laboratory, they're using supercomputers to get a lot more power out of our nuclear facilities. With more research and incentives, we can break our dependence on oil with biofuels, and become the first country to have 1 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015.

We need to get behind this innovation. And to help pay for it, I'm asking Congress to eliminate the billions in taxpayer dollars we currently give to oil companies. I don't know if you've noticed, but they're doing just fine on their own. So instead of subsidizing yesterday's energy, let's invest in tomorrow's.

Now, clean energy breakthroughs will only translate into clean energy jobs if businesses know there will be a market for what they're selling. So tonight, I challenge you to join me in setting a new goal: by 2035, 80% of America's electricity will come from clean energy sources. Some folks want wind and solar. Others want nuclear, clean coal, and natural gas. To meet this goal, we will need them all--? and I urge Democrats and Republicans to work together to make it happen.

Maintaining our leadership in research and technology is crucial to America's success. But if we want to win the future ? if we want innovation to produce jobs in America and not overseas ? then we also have to win the race to educate our kids.

Think about it. Over the next ten years, nearly half of all new jobs will require education that goes beyond a high school degree. And yet, as many as a quarter of our students aren't even finishing high school. The quality of our math and science education lags behind many other nations. America has fallen to 9th in the proportion of young people with a college degree. And so the question is whether all of us -- as citizens, and as parents -- are willing to do what's necessary to give every child a chance to succeed.

That responsibility begins not in our classrooms, but in our homes and communities. It's family that first instills the love of learning in a child. Only parents can make sure the TV is turned off and homework gets done. We need to teach our kids that it's not just the winner of the Super Bowl who deserves to be celebrated, but the winner of the science fair; that success is not a function of fame or PR, but of hard work and discipline.

Our schools share this responsibility. When a child walks into a classroom, it should be a place of high expectations and high performance. But too many schools don't meet this test. That's why instead of just pouring money into a system that's not working, we launched a competition called Race to the Top. To all fifty states, we said, "If you show us the most innovative plans to improve teacher quality and student achievement, we'll show you the money."

Race to the Top is the most meaningful reform of our public schools in a generation. For less than one percent of what we spend on education each year, it has led over 40 states to raise their standards for teaching and learning. These standards were developed, not by Washington, but by Republican and Democratic governors throughout the country. And Race to the Top should be the approach we follow this year as we replace No Child Left Behind with a law that is more flexible and focused on what's best for our kids.

You see, we know what's possible for our children when reform isn't just a top-down mandate, but the work of local teachers and principals; school boards and communities.

Take a school like Bruce Randolph in Denver. Three years ago, it was rated one of the worst schools in Colorado; located on turf between two rival gangs. But last May, 97% of the seniors received their diploma. Most will be the first in their family to go to college. And after the first year of the school's transformation, the principal who made it possible wiped away tears when a student said "Thank you, Mrs. Waters, for showing that we are smart and we can make it."

Let's also remember that after parents, the biggest impact on a child's success comes from the man or woman at the front of the classroom. In South Korea, teachers are known as "nation builders." Here in America, it's time we treated the people who educate our children with the same level of respect. We want to reward good teachers and stop making excuses for bad ones. And over the next ten years, with so many Baby Boomers retiring from our classrooms, we want to prepare 100,000 new teachers in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and math.

In fact, to every young person listening tonight who's contemplating their career choice: If you want to make a difference in the life of our nation; if you want to make a difference in the life of a child ? become a teacher. Your country needs you.

Of course, the education race doesn't end with a high school diploma. To compete, higher education must be within reach of every American. That's why we've ended the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that went to banks, and used the savings to make college affordable for millions of students. And this year, I ask Congress to go further, and make permanent our tuition tax credit ? worth $10,000 for four years of college.

Because people need to be able to train for new jobs and careers in today's fast-changing economy, we are also revitalizing America's community colleges. Last month, I saw the promise of these schools at Forsyth Tech in North Carolina. Many of the students there used to work in the surrounding factories that have since left town. One mother of two, a woman named Kathy Proctor, had worked in the furniture industry since she was 18 years old. And she told me she's earning her degree in biotechnology now, at 55 years old, not just because the furniture jobs are gone, but because she wants to inspire her children to pursue their dreams too. As Kathy said, "I hope it tells them to never give up."

If we take these steps -- if we raise expectations for every child, and give them the best possible chance at an education, from the day they're born until the last job they take -- we will reach the goal I set two years ago: by the end of the decade, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

One last point about education. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of students excelling in our schools who are not American citizens. Some are the children of undocumented workers, who had nothing to do with the actions of their parents. They grew up as Americans and pledge allegiance to our flag, and yet live every day with the threat of deportation. Others come here from abroad to study in our colleges and universities. But as soon as they obtain advanced degrees, we send them back home to compete against us. It makes no sense.

Now, I strongly believe that we should take on, once and for all, the issue of illegal immigration. I am prepared to work with Republicans and Democrats to protect our borders, enforce our laws and address the millions of undocumented workers who are now living in the shadows. I know that debate will be difficult and take time. But tonight, let's agree to make that effort. And let's stop expelling talented, responsible young people who can staff our research labs, start new businesses, and further enrich this nation.

The third step in winning the future is rebuilding America. To attract new businesses to our shores, we need the fastest, most reliable ways to move people, goods, and information -- from high-speed rail to high-speed internet.

Our infrastructure used to be the best -- but our lead has slipped. South Korean homes now have greater internet access than we do. Countries in Europe and Russia invest more in their roads and railways than we do. China is building faster trains and newer airports. Meanwhile, when our own engineers graded our nation's infrastructure, they gave us a "D."

We have to do better. America is the nation that built the transcontinental railroad, brought electricity to rural communities, and constructed the interstate highway system. The jobs created by these projects didn't just come from laying down tracks or pavement. They came from businesses that opened near a town's new train station or the new off-ramp.

Over the last two years, we have begun rebuilding for the 21st century, a project that has meant thousands of good jobs for the hard-hit construction industry. Tonight, I'm proposing that we redouble these efforts.

We will put more Americans to work repairing crumbling roads and bridges. We will make sure this is fully paid for, attract private investment, and pick projects based on what's best for the economy, not politicians.

Within 25 years, our goal is to give 80% of Americans access to high-speed rail, which could allow you go places in half the time it takes to travel by car. For some trips, it will be faster than flying -- without the pat-down. As we speak, routes in California and the Midwest are already underway.

Within the next five years, we will make it possible for business to deploy the next generation of high-speed wireless coverage to 98% of all Americans. This isn't just about a faster internet and fewer dropped calls. It's about connecting every part of America to the digital age. It's about a rural community in Iowa or Alabama where farmers and small business owners will be able to sell their products all over the world. It's about a firefighter who can download the design of a burning building onto a handheld device; a student who can take classes with a digital textbook; or a patient who can have face-to-face video chats with her doctor.

All these investments -- in innovation, education, and infrastructure ? will make America a better place to do business and create jobs. But to help our companies compete, we also have to knock down barriers that stand in the way of their success.

Over the years, a parade of lobbyists has rigged the tax code to benefit particular companies and industries. Those with accountants or lawyers to work the system can end up paying no taxes at all. But all the rest are hit with one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. It makes no sense, and it has to change.

So tonight, I'm asking Democrats and Republicans to simplify the system. Get rid of the loopholes. Level the playing field. And use the savings to lower the corporate tax rate for the first time in 25 years ? without adding to our deficit.

To help businesses sell more products abroad, we set a goal of doubling our exports by 2014 -- because the more we export, the more jobs we create at home. Already, our exports are up. Recently, we signed agreements with India and China that will support more than 250,000 jobs in the United States. And last month, we finalized a trade agreement with South Korea that will support at least 70,000 American jobs. This agreement has unprecedented support from business and labor; Democrats and Republicans, and I ask this Congress to pass it as soon as possible.

Before I took office, I made it clear that we would enforce our trade agreements, and that I would only sign deals that keep faith with American workers, and promote American jobs. That's what we did with Korea, and that's what I intend to do as we pursue agreements with Panama and Colombia, and continue our Asia Pacific and global trade talks.

朝日新聞は１月２２日にPOINT OF VIEW　（視点論点）という記事を３件同時に掲載していますが、この記事は第三番目の記事で議題はTPP（環太平洋戦略経済連携協定　Trans-Pacific Partnership）。
朝日新聞の論説客員による記事ですが論点がいまいち明確でない。
別の言い方をするとインパクトがない。
なにが言いたいのが読み手にはっきりと伝わってこない、論説としては失敗作だと思います。

論説の骨子は掴みにくいですがあえて書いてみます。

日本を除く諸外国のTPPへのとりくみは迅速であり、あーだこーだと条件つけをしない。
日本は国内への配慮のあまり、TPP参加への意気込みは強いが、様々な条件をつける傾向がある。たとえば米に対する関税の例外扱い（特別扱い）など。
米国を含むTPP参加諸外国は日本がこのように例外規定をもうけてTPPの足並みを乱すことを疎ましく思っている。出来れば日本はTPPに参加して欲しくないと思っている。

こんなところしか読み取れませんでした。

この程度だったら、毎日読んでいる社説レベルの知識であり、なんら目新しくない。
直前に掲載した２件の論説にくらべると、見劣りのする論説だと思います。

POINT OF VIEW/ Yuzuru Takano: TPP could be a blessing if Japan has a strategy

2011/01/22
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Yuzuru Takano (The Asahi Shimbun)
There's a new buzzword in Japan these days. Many Japanese are talking about the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a multilateral free trade agreement being negotiated by nine Pacific-Rim countries, including the United States and Australia. The conversations come across if a new "black ship" was on the horizon that could create a national crisis for Japan.

Given the TPP principle of no exemption from tariff elimination, the alarmist language used in Japan for discussing the pact is hardly surprising. But the reality of the initiative is quite different from what many Japanese seem to think it is.

For one thing, there are too many and deep disagreements among the countries involved in the negotiations for the proposal to be regarded as posing a serious threat to Japan.

The United States, for instance, is adamant in rejecting the liberalization of trade in sugar. A great many American farmers feel the same way. The U.S. stance toward the issue has made Australia and other sugar-exporting countries positively frantic.

The participating countries are pursuing widely different agendas in the TPP talks.

Washington is seeking to apply the terms of the bilateral free trade agreements it has concluded with various trade partners to the TPP rules without any major change. Australia, for its part, wants to work out new trade rules from scratch. New Zealand, Singapore, Chile and Brunei are in favor of simply expanding their existing TPP framework known as P4.

Deborah Elms, head of the Temasek Foundation Centre for Trade and Negotiations in Singapore, who is well-versed in the TPP negotiations, says it will be extremely difficult for the countries to strike a deal during the 2011 summit meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, to be held in November in Hawaii.

Second, no country is putting any pressure on Japan to open up its market. The U.S. government, which is leading the negotiations, has its sights set on fast-growing emerging economies in Asia, such as Vietnam. In fact, Washington is not quite happy about the participation of countries, such as Japan, which are expected to demand exceptions to trade liberalization, causing delays in the negotiations.

Japan is under no external pressure to join the TPP talks. It is a decision Japan can and should make from its own strategic viewpoint.

The P4 agreement, which took effect in 2006, is designed to achieve a high level of trade liberalization. That's one of the reasons for the Japan's wariness about the TPP pact.

But the P4 in reality is far more symbolic than substantial.

The two core members, Singapore and New Zealand, are both small countries with populations of slightly more than 4 million. Singapore is a country focused on commerce and industry, while New Zealand is an agriculture-oriented nation. Their trade relationship is mutually complementary. So, the two countries struck a bilateral free trade agreement before the P4 was launched.

Both the benefits and costs of the P4 are small for the two core members. The framework will have substantial economic implications only when major trading powers have joined it through serious efforts for harmonizing the differing interests among the participants.

The P4 imposes restrictions on the movements of workers among the member nations and is different in this respect from the European Union, which allows citizens of the member countries to freely cross borders within the region.

In considering its participation in the TPP talks, Tokyo has made various estimates on the assumption that Japan would be required to scrap its prohibitive tariffs on rice imports. Japan also trails South Korea in the race to conclude free trade deals with key trade partners.

But it is highly questionable whether such efforts are meaningful at the moment while the process of international negotiations on the rules for the envisioned pact is just beginning. Disagreements among the major players remain wide and deep.

Instead of being intimidated by hypothetical threats, Japan should start mapping out a shrewd diplomatic strategy for the TPP negotiations designed to protect its national interests while securing whatever benefits it could get from the pact.

* * *

Yuzuru Takano is a correspondent at The Asahi Shimbun's New Delhi Bureau.

国民（市民、民衆）はマスメディアの報道の暗示にかかりやすい。
新聞社はとくにこの点に気をくばるべきだ。
我々一般市民は、やはり自分の目先の利益を追求するかたちが正当じゃないでしょうか。
消費税を引き上げるのはやめて欲しいし、高速道路は無料にしてほしい。
子供手当ても満額回答して欲しい。
これでよいと思います。
マスメディア主導の暗示にかかる必要はさらさらない。

一昨年我々が民主党を選んだときの心意気を忘れてはならない。
子ども手当でいえば、産みやすい環境をつくり、育ちを助けること。
民主党の公約は、高齢者に比べて手薄だった子どもへの投資を増やそうとする点では間違ってはいなかった。
それは、高齢者を支える世代を強めることにもつながる。

（スラチャイ記）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Jan. 26, 2011)
Govt must earn opposition's help
施政方針演説　政策実現へ周到な戦略で臨め（1月25日付・読売社説）

Prime Minister Naoto Kan must have a well-prepared strategy, beyond merely hoping for cooperation from opposition parties, to realize important policies.
　重要な政策での協議をただ野党に求めるだけでなく、実現への戦略を持って臨むべきだ。

Kan made his first administrative policy speech on the opening day of the ordinary Diet session Monday. He called on the opposition camp to take part in consultations to resolve such pending issues as integrated reform of the social security and tax systems and whether to join negotiations over the Trans-Pacific Partnership free trade agreement.
　通常国会が開幕し、菅首相が、初めての施政方針演説を行った。社会保障と税の一体改革や環太平洋経済連携協定（ＴＰＰ）参加問題など懸案を解決するため、野党に協議に応じるよう呼びかけた。

Given a divided Diet in which the ruling coalition parties have less than a two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives while the House of Councillors is controlled by opposition parties, cooperation with the opposition camp is indispensable to passing budget-related and other important bills through the Diet.
　衆参ねじれ国会の下、予算関連法案や重要法案を成立させるにも野党の協力は欠かせない。

We do not dispute the need for the prime minister's seemingly desperate call for cooperation.
切羽詰まった感のある首相の主張に、異論はない。

Will Kan make thorough preparations and exhibit determination to work out a consensus within his Democratic Party of Japan to obtain agreement from the opposition parties that have been cranking up their confrontational stance toward the DPJ-led government?
　問題は、民主党内をまとめ、対決色を強める野党からも合意を得るだけの周到な準備と強い意志が首相にあるかどうかである。

Kan has announced a plan for the government and ruling parties to determine the direction of social security reform in April and put together a reform plan also involving the tax system in June.
　首相は既に、政府・与党として４月に社会保障改革の方向性を出し、６月に税を含む改革案をまとめる考えを明らかにしている。

===

Present concrete measures

Unless the government and ruling parties present concrete measures, the opposition camp cannot be expected to join policy consultations.
　政府・与党が、具体的な方針を示さなければ、協議を求めても、野党側は受け入れまい。

To expedite talks with the opposition, it is necessary for the ruling coalition parties to hold sufficient discussions on additional burdens to be borne by the people from as early as April--when they decide on the direction of social security reform--to seek the people's understanding on reforms they are going to promote.
　野党との協議を急ぐためにも、４月の段階から国民の負担増に関して十分議論し、国民にも正面から理解を求める必要がある。

In his policy speech, Kan said the ruling and opposition parties "share the awareness of issues and many points of contention." His perception is reasonable. The opposition camp, for its part, has no reason to refuse to enter into talks with the ruling parties.
　首相は演説の中で、与党と自民、公明など野党との間に「問題意識と論点の多くは共有されている」と述べた。妥当な認識である。野党側も協議を拒否する理由はないのではないか。

Concerning another major political issue, Japan's potential involvement in the TPP negotiations, Kan said his government would draw a conclusion on the matter in June. The government needs to expedite efforts to build a consensus in favor of taking part in the multilateral TPP negotiations, which have been accelerating under the leadership of the United States.
　もう一つの大きな政治課題であるＴＰＰへの参加問題について、首相は６月をめどに結論を出すと言明した。しかし、米国の主導で関係国のＴＰＰ交渉は加速している。交渉参加への合意形成を急ぐ必要があるだろう。

Definitely lacking in the prime minister's speech was a sense of crisis over state finances, which have been deteriorating with combined debts of national and local governments ballooning to a staggering 868 trillion yen at the end of the current fiscal year.
　首相の演説で、決定的に欠けていたのは、国・地方の借金残高が今年度末で８６８兆円にものぼる国家財政への危機感だ。

===

Review policy goals

In its 2009 general election campaign platform, the DPJ pledged to make highway tolls free and to provide public handouts, such as child-rearing allowances. But it is now clear the government cannot afford such measures. The DPJ should drastically review its platform, which said it would be possible to secure fiscal resources for such policies if wasteful spending was slashed under a DPJ-led government.
　高速道路の無料化や子ども手当などバラマキ政策を続ける余裕はない。無駄を見直せば財源を生み出せるとしてきた政権公約を抜本的に改めるべきだ。

In regard to the DPJ's slogan of "lawmaker-led politics," the party has just reflected on and revised its stance of eliminating bureaucrats from the process of policymaking and coordination, which it admitted went overboard.
　民主党の看板である「政治主導」については、政策立案・調整から官僚を排除してきたことが行き過ぎだったと自ら反省し、見直したばかりではないか。

If the DPJ demonstrates its willingness to carry out a sweeping review of its campaign platform, it will help the government secure smooth functioning in the split Diet.
　政権公約を大胆に修正する意思を明確にすることが、ねじれ国会を乗り切る手だてにもなる。

Kan concluded his speech by saying the public expects the Diet to hold a constructive debate and draw conclusions promptly. He called on all Diet members to make this Diet session a "forum of in-depth deliberations."
　首相は、演説の最後で、国民が国会に期待するのは建設的な議論と、先送りせず結論を出すことだと述べ、今度こそ「熟議の国会」にしようと全議員に訴えた。

He is quite right. We do not want to see a repetition of the unproductive extraordinary Diet session that ended early last month.
　その通りである。臨時国会の二の舞いは見たくない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Jan. 25, 2011)
（2011年1月25日01時30分  読売新聞）

1993年 10月28日 、 カタール の ドーハ のアルアリ・スタジアムで行われた日本代表 と イラク代表との試合は歴史的なドーハの悲劇として多くの日本人のサッカーファンたちに大きな衝撃を与えた。
スラチャイも寝ないでテレビ観戦していた。
最後のそのまた最後、ロスタイムの終了の笛がなる直前に放たれたコーナーキックが突き刺さり、テレビ放送のアナウンサーは声を失った。
｢入りましたね｣、｢うん入った｣
会話はこれだけ。
日本中を長い沈黙が支配していた。
あれから１８年、今度は｢ドーハの悲劇｣ではなくて｢ドーハの感動｣が私達を迎えてくれた。
ありがとう、日本チーム。
生きていてよかった！

いわおさん、元気をだしてください。

３年に及ぶアフィリエイト活動に対する卒業試験です＾＾。

スラチャイ今月の成果 (as of 2011/01/23)　（バナ記者）



How to get profit with affiliate.
アフィリエイトで収益を得るための手順（マニュアル）

１）　アフィリエイト掲載用ブログを用意する
現在日本で運営されているブログサイトの一部です↓



ASPに契約申請をする時点で、すでに一カ月間ほどのブログ記載（入力）が完了しているのが望ましいです。

２）　ASP (affiliate service provider) （電子商取引仲介者）と契約する
現在日本で運営されているASPの一部です↓





３）　バナ記者になる　（A8.net記者になる）
ASPはたくさんありますが、紹介記事で収入を得ることのできるものが望ましい。
A8.netとバナーブリッジ（バナ記者）がお勧めです。


http://track.bannerbridge.net/click.php?APID=29215&affID=51762&siteID=117048


http://px.a8.net/svt/ejp?a8mat=1HPN4B+BUADWY+0K+108VB5

４）　商品紹介記事を書いて収入を得る
紹介記事を書く前に商品を十分研究してから記事を書く。
へたな記事を書くと命取りになります。

５）　捕らぬ狸の皮算用
どのくらい稼げるか試算してみました。

バナ記者の場合：
３０ブログ運営している場合では、
3500*30=105000円になります。

A8.netの場合：
日本最大手のASPです。
紹介記事の数も半端じゃないです。
こころを引き締めてかかればバナ記者以上に稼げると思います。

６） 秘訣
ASP担当者と親しくなることです。
仕事を回してくれさえすればバナ記者だけで一ヶ月１０００００円の収入も可能だということです。

2011/01/25
--The Asahi Shimbun, Jan. 24
EDITORIAL: Change in Vietnam
ベトナム新体制―政治改革にもドイモイを

In Japanese eyes, what kind of country is Vietnam? For the older generation, Vietnam evokes images of winning its war of national liberation against France and the United States. For the young generation, Vietnam might be a cheap vacation spot where they can buy cute bric-a-brac. Of late, Vietnam is gaining attention as a potential buyer of nuclear power plants and Shinkansen trains.
　日本にとって、ベトナムとはどんな国だろう。

　年配の人にはフランス、米国との戦争に勝って民族解放を遂げたイメージが強いだろう。若い世代にとっては、かわいい雑貨が安く手に入る旅行先かもしれない。最近は原発や新幹線の売り込み先としても耳目を集めている。

But, the Japanese don't know much about Vietnam's political system or its society.
　ところが政治体制や社会のあり方についてはあまり知られていない。

And now in Vietnam, the Communist Party that single-handedly rules the country has held its party congress, which takes place once every five years, and selected as its new general secretary, Nguyen Phu Trong. This is the first change of party leader in 10 years.
　そのベトナムで一党独裁を続ける共産党が５年に一度の大会を開き、グエン・フー・チョン氏を新書記長に選んだ。１０年ぶりの最高指導者交代だ。

In the 10-year plan adopted by the congress, the leaders intend to carry on the annual 7-8 percent average economic growth, and become an industrialized country by 2020 by nearly tripling the GDP per capita to $3,000 (249,000 yen).
　大会で承認された１０カ年計画では、今後も年平均７～８％の経済成長を続け、２０２０年には１人当たりの国内総生産を現在の３倍近い３千ドルにして工業国入りをめざすという。

An ambitious goal, but the economic environment changing.
　意欲的な目標だが、足元の経済環境は最近、変調を来している。

Vietnam's currency is losing value, inflation is on the rise, fiscal and trade deficits are increasing. The national shipbuilding company is in a management crisis, and investors are losing trust.
　通貨安とインフレが進み、財政と貿易の赤字が膨らむ。国営造船会社の経営危機が投資家の不信を招いている。

It has been a quarter of a century since the country began its "doi moi" policies of creating a market economy. Despite great progress economically, the income disparity is growing larger. The people are disgruntled by corruption that permeates the government.
　市場経済化を中心に据えたドイモイ政策を始めてから四半世紀。経済を大きく発展させた半面、貧富の差は拡大する一方だ。政権に染みついた汚職体質に国民の不満は高まっている。

For the new administration, its immediate task is to purge itself of this corruption, ease the disparity and manage economic policies.
　新執行部にとっては、経済政策のかじ取りとともに、腐敗の根絶や格差是正が喫緊の課題だ。

In contrast to economic growth, progress in political-social reform, in things like democratization and human rights protection, tend to be extremely slow. It seems that within the party, there was much debate about the latest shuffling. Almost nothing of what was actually said has been made public, and a review is impossible.
　経済成長に比べ、民主化や人権保障といった政治・社会改革の歩みはきわめて遅い。党内では、今回の人事をめぐって様々な論争があったようだが、議論の中身はほとんど公開されておらず、検証するすべはない。

There is no end to the incarceration of anti-government activists and repression of religion. According to Reporters without Borders and its ratings of countries and journalistic freedoms, Vietnam ranks 165th among 178 countries and regions.
　反体制活動家の拘束や宗教者への弾圧も絶えない。「国境なき記者団」が発表する報道の自由度のランクでは、１７８カ国・地域中１６５位だ。

Doi moi means renovation. The new administration needs to embark upon an ambitious doi moi in its political and social reform, as well.
　ドイモイとは刷新を意味する。新執行部は、政治や社会改革の面でも大胆なドイモイに踏み出す必要がある。

In that sense, the general election scheduled for May is gaining attention. The right of people to stand for office is limited, so just how many non-Communist Party nominees and nominees without support from party-related organizations manage to gain office is a thing to watch. There were less than 10 percent in the last election.
　その意味で注目されるのは、５月の国会議員選挙だ。立候補に制限があるなかで、共産党員以外の人や党傘下組織の推薦を得ない候補がどの程度当選するか。前回は１割に満たなかった。

For Japan, Vietnam is a promising market and a place for investment. The Kan government seems intent on living or dying by the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement, and Vietnam has already started negotiations with other countries about its entry.
　日本にとって、ベトナムは有望な市場であり投資先だ。菅政権が命運をかける環太平洋パートナーシップ協定への加盟交渉にもすでに入っている。

Japan is also seeking cooperation in national security, with an eye on China's rapid military expansion, and intends to start a joint development project with Vietnam for rare earth minerals.
　軍事力を急拡大させる中国との見合いで安全保障面での協調も模索し、レアアースの共同開発にも踏み出す。

Japan and Vietnam consider each other as "strategic partners for peace and prosperity in Asia."
　日本とベトナムはお互いを「アジアの平和と繁栄のための戦略的なパートナー」と位置づけている。

If so, the Japanese government should also encourage Vietnam in its democratization and political reform efforts.
　とすれば日本政府は、民主化や政治改革をも後押しするべきだろう。

Japan should occasionally point out to Vietnam things that may not necessarily sit well, like human rights issues. That kind of attitude should, in the long run, lead to a better relationship between the two countries, and help create a stable Vietnam.
　人権問題など相手の耳に痛いことでも時には注文をつける。そうした姿勢が長期的には両国関係の発展やベトナムの安定にもつながるはずだ。

英語教育に関するインタビュー記事です。
能力の許すかぎり全速力で読み終えた後、頭の中に残ったものを日本語で表現します＾＾。
この論説の骨子は以下の通りです。
明治以来、英語学習上、あるいは日常生活上、日本人は自分の名前を英語で表現するのに氏名ではなくて、名氏で表現することが慣例となっている。
これはとても不自然なことであり、名前の尊厳に対する冒涜とも言うことができる。
例えば日本の新聞紙上では、中国の胡錦濤国家主席は胡錦濤、日本菅直人首相は菅直人、これが英字新聞紙上では胡錦濤国家主席は胡錦濤、菅直人首相は直人菅となる。これはまったく不自然でおかしなことだ。世界で日本だけが名氏の順序に逆転しているが、明治以来の西欧文化に対する劣等感、欧米至上主義がもたらした悲劇だということができる。
今後日本はもっと自分の氏名に尊厳を払うべきだ。
日本では名前を表現するのに氏名の順序で表現するのが当り前のことなのだから。
欧米に媚びを売る必要はさらさらない！
（スラチャイ記）

POINT OF VIEW/ Erikawa, Haruo: You have to treat your own name with respect
BY MASAAKI TONEDACHI SENIOR STAFF WRITER

2011/01/22
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Erikawa, Haruo at Wakayama University in Wakayama (Nanako Ito)
When introducing ourselves in English, most of us automatically put our given name before our family name, even though the Japanese way is always the other way round--surname followed by given name. Erikawa, Haruo, a Wakayama University professor who has studied the effects of school English education on Japanese thinking, says it is high time for Japanese to reclaim the traditional Japanese way of greeting one another. Following are excerpts of his interview with The Asahi Shimbun. (At his request, the professor's family name is given first).

* * *

Question: Why do most Japanese put their given name before their family name when introducing themselves in English?

Answer: I think it's largely the result of decades of English education in our country. I've checked school English textbooks dating back to the last century, and discovered that a 1904 textbook, approved by the education ministry, was the first to give an example of a Romanized "back-to-front" Japanese name--S. Imagawa.

All English textbooks before this showed the surname preceding the given name. Since 1904 was the year Japan went to war with Russia, you could say the transition coincided with Japan's debut on the international political scene. Although Japanese politicians and intellectuals had started following the Western custom of putting the given name before the family name since the 1880s, the general public didn't pick up the habit until much later, when English education became popular.

Q: After the war with Russia, Japan joined the ranks of the great powers.

A: Japan continued to stick to the Western custom, even when nationalism was at its height in the final years of World War II. For instance, an English textbook published in 1944 refers to Japan's Naval Marshal General and commander-in-chief of the Combined Fleet as "Isoroku Yamamoto," not Yamamoto Isoroku as he should be referred to in Japanese. This goes to show how firmly this Western habit of putting the given name before the family name had taken hold in Japan by then.

Q: Didn't anyone think this was kind of "un-Japanese"?

A: Take a look at this book. It's "Mitchell's New School Geography," written by the American geographer Samuel Augustus Mitchell (1792-1868). Copies of this book were imported to Japan and revered as a geography textbook during the early years of the Meiji Era (1868-1912). Mitchell refers to Europeans and Americans as "civilized and enlightened nations," and Japanese as "half-civilized." This was how members of Japan's upper classes saw themselves. I should imagine they accepted the superiority of Westerners and believed they could enhance themselves by becoming like them.

Q: But it is also said that Japanese are culturally disposed to adapt to foreign cultures. So, the argument holds that if Westerners put their given names before their family names, it is only natural and polite that we should do likewise when we are with them. In fact, I think quite a few people believe so.

A: It is true we are culturally flexible or adaptable by tradition. This way, we avoid friction and maintain good human relations. We take the trouble to make ourselves understandable to foreigners. I also believe this has something to do with the fact that Japanese have been attracted to foreign cultures since ancient times. But those days are now over.

Q: What is your rebuttal to people who say it's no big deal whether we put the surname first or second?

A: A person's name is a valuable piece of information about the person. Anyone who doesn't treat his or her own name with respect is incapable of respecting someone else's name. If I may say so, I think the prewar Japanese government forced Koreans to adopt Japanese names because Japanese failed to understand the significance of what it is to have a name. It's very much to do with personal identity, and I think the time has come for us to really think about it. And I expect this of politicians in particular.

Q: Why politicians?

A: Politicians need to understand that their names are part of Japan's sovereignty. Let's say our prime minister is in negotiation with a representative of a foreign country--America, Russia, whatever. The moment he introduces himself as "Naoto Kan," he is acknowledging the hegemony of the country he is negotiating with.

Q: How so? Would you please elaborate?

A: Because our prime minister is Japanese, and he is "Kan Naoto," not "Naoto Kan." Letting his name be used back-to-front is tantamount to ceding control to his negotiating partner. I strongly wish anyone who engages in diplomacy or international negotiations would get it into their heads that how they say their own names affects their sovereignty. By casually embracing the Western custom of putting the given name ahead of the family name, they effectively lose the first round of negotiations by default.

But let me hasten to add that I am anything but a flaming nationalist. On the contrary, I believe firmly that any narrow nationalism must be shunned at all costs. When I think of Japan's fawning subservience to the West and arrogance toward our Asian neighbors during the Meiji Era, I can see how these sentiments paved the way for colonialism and the wars of aggression that ensued. If Japan had tried to deal with other nations equally and fairly, it could have avoided such tragedies.

Q: The majority of English-language publications issued in Japan put the given name before the surname. But stories filed from Japan on an APEC meeting, for instance, had the names of the Chinese and South Korean leaders in their correct order--that is, surname followed by given name--but incorrectly for the Japanese prime minister.

A: I know. That was illogical and bizarre. All I can say is, "Let's stop this." And the media should know better, as should English teachers in Japan. It's the responsibility of the English-language media and English teachers here to undo what they have done.

But there's one welcome development. Since 2002, all junior high school English textbooks began putting the surname first for Japanese names. In 2000, the Japanese Language Council recommended to the government that all Romanized Japanese names be written in their proper Japanese order--surname followed by given name--as in Yamada Haruo.

Q: But after all these decades, wouldn't changing the rule only invite confusion? I mean, foreigners who aren't familiar with Japanese names won't be able to tell which is the surname and which is the given name, will they?

A: Progress is born from chaos. So long as the status quo continues, nothing new will be born. I should actually hope the inevitable confusion will enable foreigners to realize that theirs is not the only acceptable standard in our diversified world.

Q: How would you suggest English teachers handle the transition?

A: Once senior high school English textbooks begin following the example of junior high school textbooks, I think the entire national perception will change. But the change should not be forced on the people by the government. The change should come gradually over time.

I have a favor to ask of elementary school English teachers. Foreign language activities will become compulsory from next scholastic year, and youngsters will learn how to write Romanized Japanese names for the first time. I ask the teachers to really think what it means.

* * *

Erikawa, Haruo is a professor at Wakayama University. After studying the history of modern Japanese economics at Osaka City University, Erikawa specialized in the history of English education in Japan at Kobe University Graduate School. He is an authority on English education policies and teaching materials dating back to pre-Meiji Restoration days. His published works include "Kindai Nihon no Eigo-ka Kyoiku-shi" (History of English education in modern Japan) and "Nihon-jin wa Eigo o Do Manande Kitaka" (How Japanese have studied English).