(Mainichi Japan) December 24, 2010
China's boycott diplomacy ugly but effective
木語：外交力で「大使は不在」＝金子秀敏
　＜ｍｏｋｕ－ｇｏ＞

Mainichi Shimbun staff writer Mayumi Otani, who covered the Nobel Prize award ceremony this year, angrily said, "The Chinese government's behavior was ugly." She refers to pressure China applied to its allies to boycott the ceremony because the Nobel Peace Prize would be awarded to Chinese anti-government activist Liu Xiaobo, and 17 countries refused to send representatives to the ceremony. (Mainichi Shimbun Dec. 20 morning edition -- from Norway)
　ノーベル平和賞の授賞式を取材した本紙、大谷麻由美記者が「中国政府の振る舞いはダサかった」と怒っている。あの平和賞ボイコット外交のことである。反政府活動家、劉暁波氏に平和賞が贈られるとあって、中国政府が授賞式に出席しないよう圧力をかけ、１７カ国が欠席した。（２０日朝刊「Ｆｒｏｍノルウェー」）

Like Otani, I remember most Japanese journalists and newspapers criticized China's action as arrogant with the only exception being Bangkok-based journalist Makoto Suzuki. (The Sankei Shimbun Dec. 15 morning edition) He analyzed China's boycott diplomacy from the viewpoint of Southeast Asia.
　どの新聞も、大谷記者と同様、中国は横暴だと非難していたように思う。例外はバンコク在住のジャーナリスト、鈴木真氏である（１５日産経新聞朝刊）。中国のボイコット外交を「東南アジア」という物さしで測っている。するとなにが見えるだろうか。

Suzuki pointed out that of the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand was the only country that sent a representative to the award ceremony as far as he confirmed. However, a minister at the Thai Embassy attended it on behalf of the ambassador, who the embassy said was staying in his home country.
　鈴木氏は言う－－東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）１０カ国のうち、平和賞授賞式に参加したことが確認できたのはタイ１国だけ。そのタイも大使は「本国に帰国中」で公使が出た。

The Indonesian ambassador was also absent from the ceremony for the same reason, while the Philippine ambassador also failed to be present because the ceremony did not fit his schedule. Even Vietnam, which is in dispute with China over sovereignty issues in the South China Sea, criticized presenting the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu on the grounds that the prize should not be used for political purposes. However, it is too naive to insist that Japan should join hands with ASEAN in an attempt to counter China.
　インドネシアの大使も「本国に帰国中」で欠席。フィリピンは大使の「日程が合わず」欠席したという。中国と南シナ海で主権紛争のあるベトナムは「政治目的に利用すべきではない」と劉氏への授賞を批判した。だから、日本とＡＳＥＡＮが手を結び、中国と対抗すべきだというような議論は空論である－－。

Regardless of whether its behavior was ugly, China did score diplomatic points through its boycott diplomacy. This is the reality of Asia.
　ダサかろうがどうだろうが中国はボイコット外交でこれだけのポイントを挙げた。これがアジアの現実である。

It raises the question why does China have such strong diplomatic power? This is apparently because the free trade agreement (FTA) between China and ASEAN came into effect on Jan. 1, 2010. China and ASEAN have been integrated into a single market and the amounts of goods and services traded in these areas sharply increased, improving the economic conditions of Southeast Asia.
　では、なぜ中国はこれほどの外交力を持っているのか。今年の１月１日、中国とＡＳＥＡＮの自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）が発効したからだろう。中国と東南アジアが一つのマーケットになり、物流が急増して、東南アジアの景気が良くなった。

As their economic relations have become closer, China and ASEAN tend to avoid political conflicts. Philippine news organizations criticized the ambassador's absence from the ceremony, but politicians in ASEAN member countries share the view that they will gain nothing if they anger China.
　経済的に接近すれば政治的関係も対立を避けるようになる。フィリピンではマスコミが大使欠席を批判したが、政界からは「中国を怒らせて得はない」という本音が漏れている。

Shortly before the award ceremony, a high-ranking Philippine military officer visited China and held talks on the purchase of Chinese-made weapons. ASEAN member countries fear anti-government guerrillas within their respective territories more than the threat posed by China.
　授賞式の直前、フィリピン軍首脳が訪中して中国製武器の買い付け交渉をしている。中国の脅威より国内の反政府ゲリラのほうが怖いのだ。

The United States is now pressing forward with a plan to form the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement in a bid to counter the China-ASEAN FTA. Washington is now trying to increase its presence in the Asian market, but struggling to make up for its late start.
　中国ＡＳＥＡＮのＦＴＡに対抗して、米国が推進しているのが環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）である。アジア市場で巻き返しを狙っているが、出遅れた。

In the South China Sea where China is steadily increasing its military presence, the United States is soliciting ASEAN to build up a framework to counter the threat posed by China, but ASEAN is unlikely to comply. China's boycott diplomacy was certainly ugly. However, the brass-knuckles aggressiveness of its diplomacy should not be underestimated. (By Hidetoshi Kaneko, Expert Senior Writer)
　中国が着々と軍事的プレゼンスを高めている南シナ海では、米国はＡＳＥＡＮと中国の脅威に対抗する枠組みを作ろうとしている。しかし、ＡＳＥＡＮは簡単に乗らない。中国のノーベル平和賞授賞式ボイコット外交は、確かにダサい。しかしダサいほどがむしゃらな外交力は侮れない。（専門編集委員）

毎日新聞　2010年12月23日　東京朝刊

(Mainichi Japan) December 23, 2010
More than meets the eye in declassified diplomatic documents
社説：外交文書公開　隠し事はまだあった
 
Declassified diplomatic documents covering Japan-U.S. negotiations on the 1972 reversion of Okinawa have raised suggestions that the ministry covered up details of its secret accords.
　外務省が１９７２年の沖縄返還をめぐる日米交渉などに関する外交文書を公開した。

An examination conducted by an experts' panel set up by the Foreign Ministry had clarified part of the Japan-U.S. secret agreement on the reversion of Okinawa to Japan's sovereignty. However, the declassified documents recently released by the Foreign Ministry shed light on larger part of the accord -- they were not covered by the panel's examination.
日米密約の一部については同省の有識者委員会の検証で一定程度解明されたが、今回はその検証の対象外だった文書の中から不自然な焼却処分の痕跡や財政負担に関する密約を裏付ける資料などが新たに見つかった。

In May, the Foreign Ministry put into effect regulations requiring declassification of virtually all of its official documents 30 years from the time they were compiled. This time, the third round of disclosure, 291 files, including 56 regarding Okinawa, were disclosed.
　外務省は今年５月、作成から３０年たった文書を原則公開する新たな規則を施行した。３回目の今回は沖縄関連５６冊を含む計２９１冊の文書が公開された。

Among the documents is one suggesting that the Japanese and U.S. governments plotted to ensure that a conservative candidate would win the first election of governor of the Ryukyu government under U.S. rule. Another shows Tokyo and Washington played a tug-of-war over the wording of an agreement to include the Senkaku Islands in the Okinawa islands to be returned to Japan's sovereignty.
　初の琉球政府行政主席公選で日米両政府が保守系候補を勝たせるために画策したことや、沖縄返還にからみ尖閣諸島が返還地域に含まれることをどう表現するかをめぐり日米が綱引きを演じたことなどを示す文書も含まれている。

More surprisingly, a memorandum showing that three confidential telegrams were incinerated was found in a file of documents on the Japan-U.S. secret agreement. Under the secret agreement, Japan footed the 4 million dollars required to restore land vacated by U.S. military facilities in Okinawa to its original state, even though such costs should have been borne by the United States.
　中でも驚かされるのは、沖縄返還に際して米国が支払うことになっていた米軍用地の原状回復補償費４００万ドルを日本が肩代わりした密約に関するファイルの中から、３通の機密電報を焼却したことを示すメモが見つかったことだ。

Furthermore, an entry in the handwritten index of the file titled, "Document 1 -- the leak of confidential information on Okinawa reversion talks" has been crossed out and the text of the document is missing although its cover is still kept in the file. A new typed index of the file does not even list the document.
　ファイル内容を記した手書きの目次では「沖縄返還交渉機密漏洩（ろうえい）事件」が横線で消され文書が欠落していた。その後、新たにタイプで作成された目次には「沖縄返還交渉機密漏洩事件」そのものが消えていた。

The Foreign Ministry states that it does not know how the ministry managed documents 40 years ago, and the memorandum does not show what kind of telegrams were incinerated.
　外務省は「４０年も前の文書管理については分からない」と言っており、何が焼却されたのかは不明だ。

If the telegrams were incinerated in order to destroy evidence of the secret pact, it would be an outrageous act that could betray the public's trust in the government. Questions also remain as to why the document showing that Japan footed the 4 million dollars was not found in the ministry's earlier investigation into the case.
もし密約の証拠を消すための意図的な焼却だったのなら許し難い背信行為である。４００万ドル肩代わり密約を裏付ける文書そのものも先の外務省調査で見つからなかったことと合わせ釈然としない。

The declassified documents include one backing up another secret agreement under which Japan shouldered 65 million dollars to renovate and relocate U.S. military facilities in Okinawa -- in addition to the 320 million dollars stated in the official agreement on Okinawa's reversion. The document details a dialogue in which an official of the ministry's First North America Division and an official of the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo discussed the issue.
　また、沖縄返還協定に記された３億２０００万ドルのほかに米軍施設改良移転費名目で６５００万ドルを日本側が負担するとした密約を裏付ける日本側の文書も初めて見つかった。外務省北米１課担当者と在京米大使館員のやりとりを記した文書だ。

These findings obviously support assertions the experts' panel made in a report submitted to the ministry in March that negotiations on the expenses of the Okinawa reversion lack transparency.
　今年３月に出された外務省有識者委員会の報告書は「沖縄返還に伴う財政経済交渉には不透明な部分が多々ある」と指摘したが、これもそのひとつなのだろう。

The ministry is set to disclose approximately 22,000 files of documents that are still being withheld even though more than 30 years have passed since they were compiled. It is hoped that the details of how Japan footed the expenses of the Okinawa reversion, which is shrouded in mystery, will be clarified in the process of disclosing these documents.
外務省は作成後３０年以上経過しながらまだ公開されていない文書約２万２０００冊について順次公開していくという。その過程で、闇に包まれている財政負担の全貌が明らかになることを望む。

Enthusiasm that the Foreign Ministry has recently shown about disclosing diplomatic documents should be appreciated to a certain extent, but the method of disclosure should be improved. Many members of the public have complained that declassified documents are accessible only at the ministry's Diplomatic Record Office in Tokyo, and that it takes a long time and costs too much money to make photocopies of documents. The ministry should take measures to improve the convenience of accessing such documents.
　外交文書公開での外務省の積極姿勢は評価するが注文もある。東京都内の外交史料館でしか閲覧できないことや、資料の複写に時間がかかり料金が高額なことなどに対する利用者の苦情を耳にする。利便性を高める工夫をしてもらいたい。

Kobe Steel, iPhone bright spots for 'declining' Japan, but challenges lie ahead from China
水説：アイフォーンの３４％＝潮田道夫
　＜ｓｕｉ－ｓｅｔｓｕ＞

I'm a big fan of the TV Tokyo program "Sora kara Nihon o mitemiyo" (Let's take a look at Japan from the sky). The dialogue between Kumojii (Grandpa Cloud) and Kumomi, a "girl cloud," is entertaining, and it's refreshing to see various parts of the country from a vantage point not unlike that of a floating cloud.
　テレビ東京系の「空から日本を見てみよう」という番組のファンである。「くもじい」と「くもみ」の掛け合いが面白いし、雲に乗った感覚で列島各地を見下ろすのは気分がいい。それに勉強になる。

The program, moreover, is informative. The other day, viewers were given a glimpse of the steel manufacturer Kobe Steel, based in Kobe, Hyogo Prefecture, and told that if the company were to stop its operations, production of half the world's cars would come to a halt. I'd had no idea.
　先日の番組では神戸製鋼がでてきて「この製鉄所が止まると世界の自動車の半分が造れなくなる」と言っていた。知らなかったなあ。

Looking into the matter, I found that Kobe Steel has about a 50-percent share of the wire rods used to produce valve springs, which are installed at the top of car cylinders.
　調べてみると、自動車のシリンダー上部に取り付ける弁ばね用の線材で、神戸製鋼製が世界シェアの約半分を占めている。おそらく、そのことを言っているのだろう。

The valves are subject to strenuous contraction and expansion, but their quality must remain unchanged even when a car clocks 100,000 kilometers. Kobe Steel's wire rods apparently fit the bill and therefore dominate the world market. I find this good news, especially nowadays, when Japan's economic decline has become widely accepted.
　このばねは激しい伸縮運動を強いられる。そして自動車が１０万キロ走ろうとも、へたらず変わらぬ品質を維持しなければならない。日本の神戸製鋼製がベスト。高品質で世界市場を席巻している。日本衰退論が目立つ昨今、非常にうれしい話だった。

Japan is a major exporter of finished products such as cars and LCD televisions, but with regards to world share, companies like Kobe Steel that produce materials and parts account for a larger share. While such companies are little known in Japan, they are the ones that are helping to maintain the country's economic edge.
　日本は自動車や液晶テレビなど完成品の大輸出国だが、世界シェアをどれだけとっているかという観点では、神戸製鋼の例のように、むしろ素材や部品が強い。消費者にはなじみの薄い企業が多いが、そういう企業が日本経済を支えている。

A Dec. 15 Wall Street Journal (WSJ) article, "Not Really 'Made in China,'" highlights the problem with distortions in trade statistics. The iPhone was developed by Apple Inc., an American company, but is assembled in China. Because of this, the phones are considered to be "imported" by the U.S. as products "made in China," adding $1.9 billion to the U.S. trade deficit with China. But does it make sense to credit the $1.9 billion to China alone?
　米ウォールストリート・ジャーナルが先日、この点に着目し「実際は中国製とは言えない」という記事を掲載していた。ｉＰｈｏｎｅ（アイフォーン）はいうまでもなく米アップル社の開発した世界的ヒット商品だが、組み立て工場は中国。だから「中国製」として米国に輸入される。その結果、アイフォーンは昨年、米国の対中赤字に１９億ドルを追加することになった。しかし、１９億ドル全部を中国一人の責めに帰するわけにいくまいというのだ。

There are some very interesting figures with regards to iPhone sales. The phones are sold wholesale by China for $178.96 each, but since Chinese workers are only involved with assembling the phones, only 3.6 percent of that amount actually goes to China. The countries that provide the parts actually get a larger share of the wholesale cost. Japan receives 34 percent, while Germany gets 17 percent, South Korea 13 percent, and the U.S. 6 percent.
　非常に興味深い数字が出ている。対米輸出価格は１７８・９６ドル（約１万５０００円）だが、中国は組み立てるだけなので中国に落ちるカネはその３・６％だけ。部品等の供給国の分け前の方が大きい。日本３４％、ドイツ１７％、韓国１３％、米国６％の順だ。

What struck me was the figure, 34 percent. With Apple's iPod, most of the parts were made in Japan. Since I'd been told previously that Japan had no chance against South Korea and China when it came to the iPhone, I was relieved to hear that it still holds a 34-percent share.
　私が注目したのは３４％という数字である。同じアップルが以前に出したアイポッドでは部品のほとんどが日本製だった。ところが、アイフォーンでは韓国と中国に駆逐され見る影もないと聞いていたので、まだ３４％も占めていたかとホッとしたのである。

The WSJ article runs the risk of giving a false impression, however. No longer a mere "assembling factory," China is rapidly shifting towards becoming a Japanese-style supplier of materials and parts. Southeast Asian countries are in great fear of China's rise to economic hegemony, which they see as imminent. Japan must also acknowledge that maintaining its 34-percent share will not be easy. (By Michio Ushioda, Expert Senior Writer)
　しかし、この記事は誤解を生みかねない。中国はもはや「組み立て基地」ではない。日本型の「素材・部品の供給基地」に急速に変容しつつある。東南アジア諸国は中国の経済覇権の完成間近と見て、戦々恐々としている。日本も「３４％」にホッとしている場合でない。（専門編集委員）

(Mainichi Japan) December 22, 2010
毎日新聞　2010年12月22日　東京朝刊

2010/12/21
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 20
EDITORIAL: Japanese rice and TPP
ＴＰＰと農業―衰退モデル脱却の好機だ

Prime Minister Naoto Kan's decision to consider Japan's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement has provoked acrimony over whether to protect Japan's export industries or its agriculture.
　守るべきは輸出産業か、それとも国内農業か。菅直人首相が表明した「環太平洋パートナーシップ協定」（ＴＰＰ）への参加検討の方針が、そんな対立を生んでいる。

But this is not an either-or issue.
だがこれは、二者択一の問題ではない。

The TPP is a multilateral pact to create a free trade zone by eliminating tariffs between the member countries. Nine countries, including the United States, are negotiating the agreement.
　関税撤廃で自由貿易圏をつくろうという構想がＴＰＰである。米国など９カ国が推進している。

Joining the TPP offers a great opportunity for Japan to catch up with some rival trade powers in the race to strike free trade agreements (FTAs).
日本にとって、そこに参加することは自由貿易協定（ＦＴＡ）戦略の出遅れを一気に取り戻すチャンスである。

Japan should try to figure out a way to ensure the long-term viability of its agriculture without missing out on this opportunity.
そうする中で農業との両立をさぐるのが筋だ。

Agricultural reform is key
■改革こそ両立の道

When South Korea's free trade agreements with the United States and Europe come into force next year, Japanese export industries will find themselves at a serious disadvantage against their South Korean rivals.
　韓国が米欧とのＦＴＡを来年発効させれば、日本の輸出産業は韓国企業に比べて不利になる。

Japan's participation in the TPP pact would offset the negative effects. It would also help ease the pressure on Japanese companies to shift operations overseas.
ＴＰＰ参加はその不利を打ち消す。日本企業の海外移転圧力を和らげる効果もある。

As a resource-poor country, Japan has no choice but to stake its survival on trade. But food security is also vital for safeguarding the well-being of the people. Japan cannot give up either trade or agriculture.
　資源に乏しい日本は通商国家として生きるしか道はない。さりとて国民生活を守るには食糧の安全保障も重要だ。いずれも切り捨てられない。

The key to solving this knotty question is agricultural reform.
　難問を解くカギは農業改革にある。

The farm ministry and agricultural cooperatives argue that Japan's participation in the TPP would deliver a devastating blow by bringing down its crucial protective wall--high tariffs. But Japanese agriculture should try to secure its survival and improve its future prospects through reform.
　農林水産省や農協は、ＴＰＰ参加で高関税という防護壁を失えば、「国内農業は壊滅的打撃を受ける」と主張する。だが、改革による生き残りと再生への道を歩むべきではないか。

Since long before the TPP issue came to the fore, Japanese agriculture has been in urgent need of reform. The average age of farmers in Japan is 66, and there is a serious shortage of young people willing to pursue a career in agriculture. Japanese agriculture could collapse in 10 years or so.
　ＴＰＰ問題が浮上するずっと前から、農業は改革の必要に迫られてきた。働き手が平均６６歳と高齢化し、後継者不足も深刻で、あと１０年もすれば国内農業は自壊しかねない。

One of the main factors putting Japanese agriculture in its current miserable state is the so-called acreage reduction program, which has been the main pillar of Japan's agricultural policy. It is the government's program to maintain rice prices through production adjustments, and it involves reducing the amount of land devoted to rice cultivation in response to declining demand for rice.
　こうなった要因の一つが農政の基軸だった減反政策だ。米価維持のためにコメの需要減に合わせて水田の作付面積を減らす官製の生産調整策である。

Seven trillion yen ($83.5 billion) of taxpayer money has been spent for the program in 40 years, but the average income of farmers has halved in the past two decades.
４０年間で総額７兆円の税金が投じられたが農業所得は２０年前から半減した。

Its greatest harm is that it has hampered the efforts of well-motivated full-time farmers to become financially independent through ingenuity and expansion of their operations.
　減反の最大の罪は、創意工夫と大規模化で自立しようと努力する主業農家の足を引っ張ってきたことだ。

Food security under threat
■危うい食糧確保

Under the program, annual production quotas are decided on the basis of actual rice sales in the previous year.
　減反政策ではコメの販売実績によって翌年の生産枠が決まる。

The new program to prop up the income of farmers with direct cash payments, which was introduced this year by the government led by the Democratic Party of Japan as its key policy initiative, is making things worse.
Under the program, the amounts of cash that farmers receive are based on their production quotas. This has prompted agricultural cooperatives across the nation to try to increase rice sales by cutting prices in efforts to secure larger output quotas, thereby accelerating the falls of rice prices.
しかも今年から始まった民主党政権の目玉政策、農家への戸別所得補償制度では枠が大きいほど補償額も増える。このため各地の農協がコメを安売りしてでも枠の拡大を競うようになり、米価の下落に拍車をかけている。

The situation is tougher for full-time farmers than for part-time farmers who get much of their income outside of farming.
　こうなると、主な所得が他にある兼業農家より、農業で稼いでいる主業農家の方が苦しくなる。

The income support program is hindering consolidation of farming land and promoting the division of land into smaller lots.
　戸別所得補償が農地の集約を阻害し、細切れ化を促すという弊害も出てきた。

Since the program covers all farmers selling rice, small farmers who were on the way out of the business are now rushing to terminate the lease of their farmland to others to receive cash from the government.
すべての販売農家を対象にしたために、退出するはずの零細農家も補償を得ようと、貸していた農地の「貸しはがし」に走る傾向がある。

This is making it even more difficult to promote cost reduction through expanding the scale of farming.
　これでは日本の農業の大規模化によるコスト削減はままならない。

Japan is struggling to curb rice production to prevent a glut. But the global outlook for the future of agriculture is quite different.
　コメ余りを避けようと、政策的に生産を抑えこむのに四苦八苦する日本だが、世界に目を転ずると、別の光景が広がる。

The world population is projected to grow to 9.1 billion in 2050 from the current 6.9 billion. Steadily growing demand for grain is certain to remain on a sharp upward trajectory in the coming years.
現在６９億人の世界人口は２０５０年に９１億人まで増える。増加の一途をたどる穀物需要は、今後もまちがいなく膨張する。

Fortunately, the kind of acute food shortage predicted by the British economist Thomas Malthus in his "An Essay on the Principle of Population" has not become reality, at least so far.
　経済学者マルサスが「人口論」で予言した深刻な食糧不安は、幸いこれまでは無用の心配だった。

That's because cultivated acreage has been increased steadily while technological innovations for fertilizers and other means have raised production per unit area.
耕地面積を広げ、肥料などの技術革新で単位収量を増やせたからだ。

But what about the future? Even small changes in the supply-demand balance often cause sharp rises and falls in the grain markets. It is not rare either for food-exporting countries to cause international concerns about food supplies by trying to ensure sufficient supplies at home.
　これからはどうか。穀物市況はわずかな需給の変化でも激変する。輸出国が自国供給を優先して、国際不安を呼ぶことも珍しくない。

Three years ago, India and China imposed restrictions on their grain exports. This past summer, Russia temporarily halted its wheat exports, creating a stir among importing countries.
３年前にはインド、中国などの穀物輸出制限、今夏もロシアが小麦の一時輸出停止で輸入国に波紋を広げた。

Many industrialized countries have been raising their grain production capacity in response to concerns about food shortages. That has been possible because of their export-promotion policies.
　多くの先進国は食糧不安に備え、穀物生産力を高めてきた。それを可能にしたのは農産物の輸出政策である。

Germany, for instance, has achieved complete self-sufficiency in wheat and dairy products and is exporting the surpluses.
たとえばドイツは小麦や乳製品で完全自給を超過する分を輸出している。

Japan has not taken that approach and has been cutting down its output. As a result, Japan's food self-sufficiency ratio has fallen to 40 percent from nearly 80 percent half a century ago.
　日本はその道を選ばず生産量を減らし、半世紀前に８０％近くあった自給率はいま４０％だ。

A breed-improvement project to increase rice production has long been a taboo at agricultural experimental stations across the nation. This is an agricultural policy that is bucking the global trend.
全国各地の農業試験所では、コメの収量を増やすための品種改良はずっと御法度だった。世界の潮流とかけ離れた政策である。

End failed farm policy
■失敗農政の大転換を

Japanese rice, known for its high quality, has the potential to find customers among the swelling ranks of rich Asian consumers.
　本来、高品質で定評のあるコメは今後ふくれあがるアジアの富裕層向けに輸出できる潜在力がある。

In a belated move, the farm ministry reached an agreement in early December with a Chinese state enterprise on Japanese rice exports to China. There is great hope for growth in Japanese rice exports to the fast-growing neighbor.
遅ればせながら農水省は今月上旬、中国の国営企業とコメの対中輸出について覚書を交わした。今後、大いに期待できる。

It is hard to believe that scrapping the prohibitive 778-percent tariff imposed on rice imports to open the door to foreign rice would drive Japanese rice out of the market.
　７７８％というコメの高関税をなくし輸入米に門戸を開いても、日本のコメが国内市場から締め出されるようなことは考えにくい。

The price differences between Japanese and foreign rice often cited by opponents of rice import liberalization have narrowed significantly. The price of rice produced in Japan is about 13,000 yen per 60 kilograms, while the price of rice imported from China, for instance, exceeds 10,000 yen, three times higher than it was 10 years ago.
反対論者が反対理由に挙げる内外価格差は接近してきた。国産米価格は６０キロ当たり約１万３千円だが、中国産米の輸入価格も１０年前の３倍となって１万円超だ。

Some large-scale farmers are distancing themselves from the stance of agricultural cooperatives, which are dead set against opening the rice market to imports.
　大規模農家の中には「絶対反対」の農協と一線を画す動きもある。

A group of agricultural production corporations and large rice growers in Niigata Prefecture, a rice production center in Japan, has urged the government to swiftly make clear how Japan's participation in the TPP would change its agricultural policy over the long term.
コメどころ新潟県の農業生産法人や大規模農家らの団体は、ＴＰＰ参加に伴って中長期的な農政がどう変わるのか、早急に示すよう政府に求めたいという。

"Simply opposing the TPP doesn't help revive Japanese agriculture," says one representative of the group.
「ＴＰＰに反対しているだけでは、日本の農業の再生はもはやできないからだ」と団体代表の一人は話す。

The lack of a clear vision for the future of Japanese agriculture discourages young and highly motivated people from entering the business. The acreage reduction program, which runs counter to the efforts to brighten the future prospects of Japanese agriculture, should be abolished.
　展望が描けなければ、若く有望な後継者は入ってこない。それに逆行する減反政策は廃止すべきだ。

The direct payment program should also be revised to focus on supporting well-motivated full-time farmers from paying cash to all farmers selling rice.
戸別所得補償もすべての販売農家を対象にする制度から、意欲ある主業農家に絞った直接支払い制度に変える必要がある。

Japan should outgrow the defeatist notion that agriculture is victimized by policy efforts to support export industries.
　「農業が輸出産業の犠牲になる」という発想を乗り越えたい。

If Japanese agriculture is reinvented to make its products competitive in the global market, there is nothing for Japanese farmers to fear about trade liberalization.
グローバル市場を相手に日本農業を再設計すれば、貿易自由化はけっして怖くない。

敗戦から６５年、もうそろそろ時効ではないでしょうか。
日本の国を守るのはやはり日本人じゃないとおかしな話です。
自民党だったら恐らく今回ような改定は難しかったのではないでしょうか。
批判も見受けられますがスラチャイは、当然の流れだと考えます。
むしろ遅すぎた感があります。
（スラチャイ記）

New thinking welcome on defense strategies
The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 20, 2010)
新防衛大綱　機動性ある自衛隊へ転換急げ（12月19日付・読売社説）

The security environment around Japan is growing ominous. To secure peace and safety for the nation under such circumstances, it is necessary to eliminate the remnants of Cold War strategies and construct a more flexible and resilient defense system.
　我が国周辺の安全保障情勢は厳しさを増している。その中で日本の平和と安全を確保するには、冷戦期の残滓(ざんし)を排し、より機動的で柔軟性ある防衛体制を構築する必要がある。

The government has decided on new National Defense Program Guidelines, the first revisions in six years and the third overall since the guidelines were originally worked out in 1976.
　政府が、新しい「防衛計画の大綱」を決定した。１９７６年に防衛大綱が策定されて以来、６年ぶり３回目の改定である。

The new guidelines call for a paradigm shift from the 1976 emphasis on "fundamental defense" to the modern concept of "dynamic defense capability."
　新大綱は、７６年大綱が掲げた防衛力整備の基本指針の「基盤的防衛力構想」を、「動的防衛力」に転換する方針を打ち出した。

　◆冷戦の残滓排除が重要◆
The fundamental defense concept calls for possessing the minimum defense forces necessary for an independent country. The concept has been used as grounds for deploying the Self-Defense Forces evenly over the country, a strategic vestige of the Cold War period.
　基盤的防衛力とは、独立国として必要最小限の防衛力を保有するという概念だ。冷戦時代から残る「全国均等な部隊配置」の根拠となってきた。

The dynamic defense capability concept, on the other hand, emphasizes having the capabilities to respond to a variety of threats and contingencies.
　これに対し、動的防衛力は、多様な脅威や事態に機動的に対処する能力を重視している。

The diverse activities of today's SDF include dealing with missiles and new threats such as terrorism, and taking part in international peacekeeping operations.
　自衛隊の任務は、ミサイル、テロなど新たな脅威への対応や、国際平和協力活動への参加など、多様化している。

The days are gone when the SDF could remain a passive organization. Possessing up-to-date tanks, ships and planes alone is not sufficient for deterrent power to work.
　自衛隊に極力何もさせず、抑制的な組織にとどめておけば良かった時代は、遠く去った。最新鋭の戦車や艦船、航空機も、保有しているだけでは、抑止力は十分機能しない。

Deterrence can work only when the SDF is seen deploying its units to perform various duties. Adoption of such a dynamic defense capability as the concept of the new defense guidelines would be an appropriate policy switch in the dramatically changing security landscape we face today.
　自衛隊が様々な任務をこなし、部隊を動かすことを通じて抑止力を働かせる。そうした動的防衛力の採用は、大きな時代の変化に即した適切な政策転換と言える。

China a 'major concern'

The new guidelines refer to China's rapidly increasing defense spending, the stepped-up activities of its naval and air forces and the lack of transparency in its military buildup programs, which the guidelines mention as a "matter of concern for the region and the international community."
　新大綱は、中国の国防費の増加や海空軍の活動活発化、透明性の不足について、「地域・国際社会の懸念事項」と明記した。

China's military emergence is conspicuous. China's publicly announced plan to build aircraft carriers has changed the military balance in the East China Sea. It has been actively ramping up moves to expand its maritime interests, thereby intensifying friction with Southeast Asian nations.
　中国の台頭は著しい。空母保有を公言し、東シナ海の軍事バランスが変化しつつある。海洋権益拡大を図る動きも激しく、東南アジア諸国との軋轢(あつれき)が増している。

Under such circumstances, it is natural that the new guidelines include beefing up island defenses, such as in the Nansei Islands, which include Okinawa Prefecture and part of Kagoshima Prefecture. It is essential to go ahead with a plan to deploy Ground Self-Defense Force units on Yonagunijima, Japan's western most island.
　こうした中、新大綱が南西諸島など島嶼(とうしょ)防衛の強化を打ち出したのは当然だ。与那国島への陸上自衛隊の部隊配置などを着実に進める必要がある。

Referring to North Korea, the guidelines say that country remains "an urgent and serious destabilizing factor." Given that the reclusive communist state conducted two nuclear tests, test-fired ballistic missiles, torpedoed a South Korean warship and shelled the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong, it is indispensable for Japan to bolster military ties with the United States and South Korea.
　北朝鮮については、アジア地域の「喫緊かつ重大な不安定要因」と記述した。２度の核実験や、弾道ミサイル発射、韓国艦船や延坪(ヨンピョン)島(ド)への攻撃を踏まえれば、日本は、米韓両国との軍事面の連携を強化することが肝要だ。

A new five-year midterm defense buildup program, which was approved by the Cabinet Friday together with the new guidelines, sets the defense budget ceiling for fiscal 2011-15 at about 23.49 trillion yen. In other words, the annual defense budget over the five years will be set at the same level as that of the current fiscal year. This is a significant step as it ends an eight-year period of consecutive annual declines in defense spending.
　新大綱と同時に閣議決定された次期中期防衛力整備計画は、２０１１～１５年度の防衛予算の総額上限を約２３兆４９００億円と定めた。１０年度予算をほぼ維持するもので、８年連続の漸減に歯止めをかけた意義は大きい。

　◆陸自定員削減は不十分◆
For years, Japan has been alone in reducing its defense budget while its neighbors China, Russia, South Korea and North Korea, as well as the United States, have been increasing their military spending. This has been a serious problem.
　米国、中国、ロシア、韓国、北朝鮮など周辺国が近年、そろって国防費を大幅に伸ばす中で、日本だけが防衛費を減らし続けてきたことは、深刻な問題だった。

Policies imperfectly balanced

The government must clearly distinguish areas to be enhanced from those to be trimmed if it is to develop a truly effective defense system on a limited budget.
　限られた予算の中で、真に実効性ある防衛体制を整えるには、増強する分野と削減する分野のメリハリが欠かせない。

A focal issue in the guidelines was the fixed strength of GSDF personnel. The guidelines say the current 155,000 GSDF members should be reduced by 1,000. But this is hardly sufficient.
　新大綱の焦点となった陸自の編成定数は、現行の１５万５０００人から１０００人の削減にとどまった。極めて不十分である。

If the balance of the SDF had been considered in a comprehensive manner, more GSDF personnel would have been cut in addition to the reduction in tanks and artillery that has been decided upon in the guidelines. At the same time, the fixed strength of personnel in the Air and Maritime Self-Defense Forces and the number of their vessels and aircraft should have been increased.
　自衛隊全体のバランスを考えれば、今回実現した陸自の戦車・火砲の大幅な削減に加え、陸自定員を一層削減し、海上、航空両自衛隊の定員や艦船・航空機の増強などに回すべきだった。

With such measures, the new concept of dynamic defense capability in the guidelines would have been defined more clearly. We expect the government to address this in drafting budgets for fiscal 2011 and thereafter.
　そうしてこそ、「動的防衛力」という新概念がより明確になったはずだ。１１年度以降の予算編成での是正を求めたい。

Prime Minister Naoto Kan's government put off clearly calling for a review of the nation's three principles on arms exports in the guidelines because it has asked the Social Democratic Party, a former coalition partner, for cooperation in the Diet and thus has given consideration to the smaller party's policy of opposing any relaxation of the principles prohibiting arms deals with virtually any other countries. We think the government's decision was regrettable.
　武器輸出３原則の見直しは、菅政権が国会運営で協力を求めている社民党に配慮するため、新大綱への明記を見送ってしまった。残念な判断である。

Meanwhile, it is praiseworthy that the guidelines have left room for future review. The guidelines said that Japan should study measures to keep up with changes in a global environment where joint international development and production of military equipment has become routine among advanced countries. We hope such measures will be studied as soon as possible.
　一方で、国際共同開発・生産が「先進国で主流になっている」と指摘し、具体策の検討を盛り込んだのは、将来の見直しの余地を残したものと評価できる。早期に実現してもらいたい。

The government should also actively proceed with a review, mentioned in the guidelines, of the five conditions placed on SDF participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations.
　新大綱が言及した国連平和維持活動（ＰＫＯ）参加５原則の見直しも、積極的に進めるべきだ。

The record of GSDF participation in such operations is still short. Tight limits imposed on weapons use, which have always been an impediment to dispatching GSDF troops abroad, should be relaxed immediately in accordance with international standards.
　陸自のＰＫＯ参加実績はまだ少ない。海外派遣の際、常に障害となる武器使用権限を国際標準並みに拡大することが急務である。

　◆安全保障戦略の策定を◆
Security council in sight?

The guidelines also stipulate establishment of a new organization at the Prime Minister's Office to coordinate national security policies. Presumably, this would be like a Japanese version of the U.S. National Security Council. A past government led by the Liberal Democratic Party once also submitted bills concerned with establishing such an organization to the Diet.
　新大綱は、国家安全保障の政策調整組織を首相官邸に設置することも明記した。かつて自民党政権が関連法案を提出した日本版ＮＳＣ（国家安全保障会議）のような組織を想定しているのだろう。

The organization would be essential for dealing with security issues without interruption and responding quickly to emergency situations. We hope the ruling and opposition parties will discuss a detailed proposal on it in a suprapartisan way to bring such a council into existence as quickly as possible.
　多くの安全保障課題に継続的に取り組み、緊急事態に迅速に対応するには、こうした組織が不可欠だ。与野党の枠を超えて具体案を協議し、実現を急いでほしい。

The government also should start formulating national security strategy since the guidelines put priority on improvement of defense capabilities.
　安全保障戦略の策定にも着手すべきだ。防衛大綱はあくまで防衛力整備に力点が置かれている。

To secure peace and prosperity for Japan and the rest of the world, what specific goals should be presented and how should the nation's foreign, defense and domestic policies be pursued? The government must compile a comprehensive package of strategies and resolutely carry out each strategy.
　日本と世界の平和と繁栄を確保するには、どんな具体的目標を掲げ、外交、防衛、国内政策をどう進めるのか。包括的戦略をまとめ、着実に取り組むことが大切だ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 19, 2010)
（2010年12月19日01時12分  読売新聞）

カフェ友のいわおさんが衝撃的な記事を掲載中です。
特に気になったのが日本の米国国債引受金額の莫大さとその不透明な管理体制です。
歴代の首脳陣でもアメリカ離れを匂わせるような行動をした大臣たちはみな早死にさせられているようです。
先日ウィキリークスのアサンジュ氏が莫大な保釈金を支払って保釈されましたが、真実の報道のために頑張るということです。真実の報道に命をかけるのが真のジャーナリストの姿だと思います。命を狙われているのにもかかわらず自分の信念を曲げない彼の強い心に打たれました。
微力ですが、スラチャイも新聞社がタブーとする部分に焦点を当てた記事を掲載したくなりました。
第一弾は｢不透明な米国国債買い入れ｣です。

いわおさんの最新記事　｢竹中平蔵・・・又やったのね！｣　を呼んでから、いわおさんにメールしました。
↓
毎月１．８兆円の米国債を買い続ける日本は、どうなのよ！毎年ではなく毎月なのだ！！＞

とういのがありましたが本当でしょうか。
年間だったら２０兆円にもなります。
この予算を毎年増大する社会保障費２．５兆円に回してもらえば、消費税を増額することなく安定した社会保障制度を保ち続けることができます。子供手当てだって、サラリーマン高額所得者にターゲットと絞った増税措置をしなくたって、簡単にクリアできますね。
政府は何故それをしないのでしょうか。
アメリカがそれほど恐ろしいということでしょうかね。よく分りません。
橋元元総理や中川昭一元外相は暗殺されたのでしょうかね。
お二人とも死ぬには若すぎる突然死でなんだかすっきりとしません。
気になります。

cite from the website with iwao-san, ocn cafe.
カフェ友いわおさんのサイトより引用しました。

http://page.cafe.ocn.ne.jp/profile/iwao3386/diary/d326

竹中平蔵・・・又やったのね！

小泉ライオン丸とタッグを組んで郵政民営化を推し進めた売国奴！いつの間にか慶應義塾の教授になり、なんとか所長になっていた。

http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E7%AB%B9%E4%B8%AD%E5%B9%B3%E8%94%B5

そこで、慶応の資産を金融商品に投資して大損食らわしたらしい。ミスター￥こと榊原も一枚かんでいるようです。あれほどの立場に立っていたならインサイダー情報で勝てるはずなのに、、である。実際５００億ほどくすねた実績もあるのに、、である。

おまけに日本国に税金を払って居ないのである。（アメリカに住居を構えている）

で、竹中平蔵で検索すると、必ず竹中平蔵○○とか後ろにオマケがついて現れる。売国奴であったり、○和だったり、、。こんなやつ早く葬り去らないと日本国民が売り飛ばされる！！でも、次期日銀総裁候補なんだってo(｀ω´*)o

あ～～～～国民の資産が売り飛ばされる！！手始めに米国債の直接引き受けか？σ(￣。￣) オイラにお金があったらゴルゴ１３に依頼するんだけど、、、。

あっ！それで思い出した。
中川昭一大臣、一連の酷聞は米国債の引き受けを渋ったためと判明！！
最後は殺されちゃった。ポマード大王こと橋本元首相もアノ若さで突然死・・・・米国債を売りたい衝動に駆られると言っただけで、殺されちゃった！！

毎月１．８兆円の米国債を買い続ける日本は、どうなのよ！毎年ではなく毎月なのだ！！

ま、この国では国士は早死にし、売国奴がのさばるんです。よってこれからも発覚次第実名と内容を晒す！

怒れる小市民なσ(´ρ` )
私が死んだらＣＩＡの手先に殺されたか草加せんべいの仕業と思ってください。私は自殺はしません！！

2010/12/16
--The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 15
EDITORIAL: Pension benefit cuts
年金減額―負担を分かち合う時代

The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare has decided to lower public pension benefit payments in the coming fiscal year, the first such cut in five years. As a measure in line with the rule of fair distribution among different generations, this move can be seen as inevitable.
　厚生労働省は、来年度の公的年金の支給額を５年ぶりに引き下げる方針を決めた。世代間の公平な分配のためのルールに沿った措置で、やむをえないといえよう。これを機に、制度のあり方を考えてみたい。

The decision to reduce payouts stems from the forecast that this year's commodity prices will dip below the standard previously set. The move thus reflects the current state of deflation to a certain degree. But even so, this measure will not produce a fair sharing of intergenerational burdens and benefits.
　引き下げ決定は、あらかじめ決めておいた基準を今年の物価が下回る見通しとなったためで、デフレの現状をある程度は反映したものだ。だが、これで世代間の負担と給付が公平なものになるわけではない。

Up to now, adjustments have been made in the interest of preventing the value of pension receipts from falling in comparison to prices and wages to the greatest degree possible. Yet in effect, measures aimed at protecting the rights of current recipients have effectively shunted the weight of the system onto the backs of future generations. This aspect of the policy measure begs closer scrutiny.
　これまでは、物価や賃金に比べて年金の受取金額がなるべく減らないよう配慮した調整が行われてきた。しかし、こうした受給者の権利を守る措置が、結果的に負担を将来世代に先送りしているという現実がある。こうした側面に、もっと目を向けるべきではないだろうか。

Under the current system, reformed in 2004, a plan known as the "macroeconomic slide" was introduced to stabilize pension finances over the long term.
　２００４年に改正された現行制度では、年金財政を長期にわたって安定させるため「マクロ経済スライド」という仕組みが導入された。

The idea was to limit the rise in pension payments to senior citizens, even if the wages of the working generation and commodity prices increased. This was an attempt to curb the increase in premiums if only to a slight degree. In an aging society with a falling birthrate, failure to take such action will place an excessively heavy burden on the younger generation.
　現役世代の賃金や物価が上がっても高齢者の年金はあまり増えないようにして、保険料の上昇を少しでも抑えようとしたのだ。少子高齢社会では、そうしないと若い世代の負担が重くなりすぎてしまうからである。

Unfortunately, the impact of the global recession and other developments ensued, while prolonged deflation and price and wage slumps dragged on. As a result, the envisioned automatic adjustment mechanism has yet to kick in.
　だが、その後は世界同時不況などの影響もあってデフレが長期化し、物価や賃金の低迷が続いている。このため、自動調整の仕組みは、いまだに発動されていない。

Against this backdrop, there has been a relative rise in the pension level for seniors. According to 2004 estimates, the level of pension benefits as a ratio of take-home pay for the current working generation was expected to decline from 59 percent in 2004 to 57 percent in 2009. An examination of the statistics in 2009, however, shows a rise in that payout level to 62 percent.
　その結果、高齢者の年金水準は相対的に上がっている。０４年の推計では、現役世代の会社員の手取り収入に対する厚生年金の給付水準が、０４年の５９％台から０９年には５７％台に下がる見通しだった。ところが、０９年の検証では６２％台に上昇している。

The primary reason for that gain is the failure to reflect past commodity price falls. The sole purpose of the determined benefit cuts, therefore, can be seen in the context of bringing the pension benefits closer to the level of what it should be.
　これは、過去に物価下落を反映しなかった分を解消しきれていないことが主な原因だ。今回の引き下げは、年金を本来の水準に近づけるためのものでしかないともいえよう。

Any further delay in such adjustments will prompt a major slide in the next generation's pension benefits. To prevent that, substantial tax and premium hikes will be necessary.
　こうした調整の遅れが放置されれば、次世代の年金水準が大きく目減りする。それを避けるには、税金や保険料を大幅に増やす必要がある。

Considerations will naturally be necessary to prevent any sharp drops in payments to elderly people whose only real source of income is their pension. Then again, upsetting the balance with the working generation for that purpose would be a case of putting the proverbial cart before the horse.
　もちろん、年金以外に収入がない高齢者のために急激な引き下げが起きないようにする配慮は必要だ。しかし、そのために現役世代とのバランスを崩しては本末転倒である。

This is an issue impossible to sidestep when pondering integrated social security and tax reforms. Pensioners can also be expected to protest any cuts in their benefits.
　この問題は、社会保障と税の一体改革を考える際に避けて通れない。減額に反発する受給者は少なくないだろう。

Yet we must also remember that the very foundation of a public pension system lies in mutual assistance between generations. We look forward to an approach conceived in the spirit of sharing the collective burden that will be acceptable to both senior citizens and the younger generation.
だが、年金は世代間の助け合いだ。負担を分かち合う姿勢で、高齢者も若い世代も共に納得できる制度のありようを考えたい。

In the political arena, there is a tendency to grow fainthearted about cutting benefits for senior citizens out of concerns about the impact at the polls. Acting with such timidity, however, will prevent leaders from ever living up to their responsibilities.
　政治は、選挙への影響を心配して高齢者の給付の削減には及び腰になりがちだが、それでは責任を果たせない。

年収５００万円の時代も１０００万円の時代も経験しました。
働けば働くほど損をするなって思いました。
早期退職した理由のひとつです。
（スラチャイ記）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 16, 2010)
Tax reforms shouldn't aim only at the wealthy
個人課税強化　高所得層狙い撃ちは筋が違う（12月15日付・読売社説）

The government's Tax Commission has adopted a set of proposals for reviewing income, inheritance and other individual taxes that will be incorporated into an outline of tax reform plans for fiscal 2011.
　政府税制調査会は、２０１１年度税制改正大綱に盛り込む所得税や相続税など個人向け課税の見直し案を決めた。

The reforms would raise about 470 billion yen in revenue by reducing various tax deductions from personal income. We believe the deduction system--by which a certain amount is subtracted from each taxpayer's income to ease his or her tax burden--should be reconsidered, as the nation is in dire fiscal straits.
　個人の税負担を軽くするため、収入から一定額を差し引いている様々な控除の額を小さくして、国の税収を４７００億円ほど増やす内容だ。厳しい財政事情を考えれば、控除の見直し自体は必要な措置であろう。

It should be noted, however, that the proposed cuts in the tax deductions--a measure tantamount to increasing individual taxes--would target people in the higher income brackets nearly exclusively. This proposal can be regarded as an attempt to single out people who can pay higher taxes as the sole target of increased levies.
Doing so is not only unfair to taxpayers. The measure is bound to cause serious adverse effects, such as a decline in the morale of working taxpayers and the vitality of the nation's economy.
　しかし今回、「増税」の対象は高所得者に集中している。税金を負担する能力が高い層ばかりを狙い撃ちにしたやり方は、公平性を欠くだけでなく、人々の働く意欲や経済の活力を失わせる副作用が大きいと言わざるを得ない。

===

Lower deductions sought

The proposed imposition of greater taxes on high-income earners would be made possible by, for example, setting an upper limit on deductions for wage income--a scheme by which a certain amount of the salary earned by a corporate employee is deducted from his or her paycheck as necessary expenses recognized by the tax authorities.
　高所得者への課税強化は、例えば、会社員の給料の一定額を必要経費と見なして差し引く給与所得控除に上限を設定することだ。

The proposal would correct the current system, which increases the amount of deductions from individual corporate employees' salaries in proportion to their respective annual incomes. Instead, the plan would deduct the same amount from the salaries of anyone whose annual income exceeds 15 million yen.
　年収に応じて控除額が増える仕組みを改め、年収１５００万円超の人は控除額を一律にする。

This would be accompanied by even greater cuts in the deductions given to high-income corporate executives.
報酬が高い企業役員の控除額は、一般社員よりさらに圧縮する。

The proposed reforms would, as a rule, do away with deductions for people supporting dependent relatives aged 23 to 69 if their yearly income surpasses 6.89 million yen.
　また、２３～６９歳の親族を扶養する人に対する成年扶養控除は、年収が６８９万円を超えれば、原則として受けられなくなる。

Inheritance taxes also would be subject to the proposed changes. The reforms would introduce a 40 percent reduction in the basic deductions from inheritances, a move aimed at expanding the range of people subject to inheritance taxation.
　相続税も、遺産から差し引ける基礎控除額を現状より４割減らして、課税対象者を増やす。

An official of the government's key tax panel has said all these proposals are intended to rectify income disparities among individuals by enhancing the power of the current tax system to encourage income redistribution. However, we believe the panel is confident that high-income earners would be less strongly opposed to heavier taxation than low- and middle-income taxpayers.
　税調幹部は「所得再分配機能を強め、格差を是正するため」と説明する。だが、実際は、高所得者の方が中低所得者より課税強化への反発が少ないという現実を見越してのことではないか。

===

Tax burden already high

Admittedly, only 1 percent of salaried workers would shoulder a greater financial burden due to the proposed cuts in their employment income deductions under the reform plan. The proposed reform would affect only a modest 20 percent of taxpayers who are currently entitled to deductions for the support of adult dependents.
　負担が増えるのは、給与所得控除でサラリーマン全体の１％に過ぎず、成年扶養控除でも適用されている人の２割にとどまる。

However, the current tax burden imposed on high-income earners is hardly light. Take a family comprising a married couple with two children--if its annual income stands at 5 million yen, such a family pays 195,000 yen in income and resident taxes annually.
This compares with 1.13 million yen in similar taxes to be paid by a household that earns 10 million yen annually. This means the latter family, which earns twice as much as the former, must shoulder a tax burden close to six times greater.
　しかし、現在でも高所得者の負担が軽いとは言えまい。夫婦と子ども２人で年収５００万円の世帯は、所得税と住民税の負担が１９・５万円なのに対し、１０００万円の世帯は１１３万円だ。収入は２倍でも、負担額は６倍近い。

The current system imposes income taxes on families whose annual income is 3.25 million yen or more--a level of taxation higher than those in the United States, Britain, Germany and other industrialized powers.
　所得税が課される最低年収は３２５万円で、米英独などの先進各国を上回る水準だ。

Certainly, due consideration must be paid to low- and middle-income earners when it comes to tax reform. However, there is concern that tax reforms--if carried out in a manner that imposes greater burdens only on wealthy people--could produce negative effects.
Talented large-income earners could eventually leave Japan to work in low-tax countries, for example, despite their important role in supporting the nation's economy.
　中低所得者への配慮は必要だが、富裕層に負担増を求めるだけの税制改正では、日本経済を支える優秀で高収入の人材が税金の安い海外に流出する、といったマイナスの効果を生む恐れもある。

The panel's call for revisions to the deduction system can be regarded as an attempt to force high-income people to pick up the bill for massive government expenditures incurred through an increase in child-rearing allowances and other lavish handout policies and programs. The proposed measures will do little to fundamentally reform the tax system.
　今回の控除見直しは、子ども手当増額など、ばらまき政策のツケを高所得層に押し付けた形で、税制の抜本改革につながるものではない。

The government should immediately do what is needed to implement thorough tax reform, including an increase in the consumption tax. Doing so is essential to ensuring fair tax burdens.
公平な税負担を実現するためにも、消費税率引き上げなどに早急に取り組むべきであろう。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 15, 2010)
（2010年12月15日01時21分  読売新聞）

The Yomiuri Shimbun (Dec. 15, 2010)
Parties must cooperate on social security
社会保障改革　方向は与野党で一致している（12月14日付・読売社説）

The government and ruling parties have come up with a proposal to promote social security reforms. The basic principles in the proposal are based on the following two pillars:
　政府・与党が社会保障改革を推進するための基本方針をまとめた。
柱となるのは、以下の２点である。

-- Setting up a permanent suprapartisan meeting to discuss the issue.
　「超党派で常設の会議を設置する」

-- Drafting concrete plans on social security reform and the taxes that will fund the reforms by the middle of next year.
「来年半ばまでに、社会保障改革とその財源となる税の具体案を作成する」。

However, the Liberal Democratic Party and some other parties oppose the proposal, saying that the Democratic Party of Japan did not agree to take part in suprapartisan talks when it was in the opposition. Given the critical situation surrounding social security and fiscal conditions at present, policymakers must not use the issue to score political points.
　自民党などからさっそく、「民主党は野党の時は超党派協議に応じなかったではないか」と否定的な反応が出ている。だが、社会保障と財政の危機的状況を見れば、政争の具にする時ではない。

Lawmakers also must not be allowed to postpone the deadline on the plan. The DPJ must reflect on what it did as an opposition party while the LDP should sit down at the negotiating table without chafing at what happened in the past.
　来年半ばまでという期限を、それ以上先送りすることは許されまい。民主党は野党当時の姿勢を反省し、自民党も過去のいきさつにこだわらず、議論のテーブルにつくべきだ。

Shared principles exist

The basic principles are fleshed out in a report by a panel of experts set up by the government and the ruling parties. The report is titled "Social security visions for realizing a sense of security and vitality."
　基本方針は、政府・与党が設置した有識者検討会の「安心と活力への社会保障ビジョン」と題した報告書で肉付けされている。

The report called for principles such as building a social security system that seamlessly covers people of all ages and securing stable fiscal resources so as not to pile financial burdens on future generations. It also proposed using the consumption tax exclusively for social security purposes.
　ビジョンは、切れ目なく全世代を対象とした社会保障を構築することや、次世代に負担を先送りしないために安定的財源を確保するといった原則を掲げた。財源として、消費税を社会保障目的税化することなども提言している。

The report's proposals significantly overlap those written in a different report by a panel of experts tasked with realizing a secure society under the LDP-led government of former Prime Minister Taro Aso. The older report even had a similar title: "Toward a Japan with a sense of security and vitality."
　内容は、麻生政権による安心社会実現会議の報告書「安心と活力の日本へ」とほぼ重なる。安心と活力、というスローガン自体が同じだ。

This shows that the change of government has not altered the basic policies needed by society.
政権が交代しても、求められる政策の方向は変わらない、ということだろう。

The current government's report also calls for setting up a task force on social security comprising experts and lawmakers from both ruling and opposition parties. The envisaged panel is quite similar to something the Aso administration proposed: the roundtable for realizing a secure society.
　与野党議員と有識者による「社会保障諮問会議」の設置をビジョンは提唱しているが、これも麻生政権時に提案された「安心社会実現円卓会議」そのものである。

These facts clearly show that the ruling and opposition parties have many things in common in their ideas and way of thinking when it comes to social security policies.
The next step is to take action.
　内容も考え方も一致しているのだから、後は行動だけだ。

Govt must move first

As an initial step, the government and ruling parties must show how serious they are about realizing the basic principles of social security reform. They must present concrete proposals as soon as possible on key points, such as how much the consumption tax rate should be raised. If the government and ruling parties merely call on the opposition bloc to join suprapartisan talks, opposition parties will likely find it difficult to agree.
　まず、政府・与党が今回の基本方針の本気度を示す必要がある。消費税率の引き上げ幅など具体的な考えを早急に打ち出すべきだ。単に超党派協議を呼びかけても野党は乗れまい。

The administration of Prime Minister Naoto Kan is having difficulty in finding fiscal resources for each of the main social security fields, including medical care, nursing care, pensions and child care, in the budget compilation for fiscal 2011.
　菅内閣は来年度予算の編成作業において、医療、介護、年金、子育てなど社会保障の主な分野で、ことごとく財源の壁に突き当たっている。

The greatest cause of the problem is the DPJ's election manifesto, which included many pledges that have proven extremely difficult to realize. In addition, the DPJ has been putting off discussions on the consumption tax hike, just as the coalition government of the LDP and New Komeito did, and has failed to secure stable revenue sources to implement necessary policies.
　最大の原因は、民主党の政権公約（マニフェスト）に無理がありすぎたことだが、自公政権に続いて民主党も消費税の議論を先送りし、安定財源を確保してこなかった点も大きい。

If the situation is allowed to stand as it is, Japan's social security system will surely continue to be mired in a stalemate.
　このままでは、社会保障がさらに行き詰まることは明らかだ。

It is necessary for lawmakers to move beyond party affiliations in order to build a stable social security system.
　揺るぎない制度を構築するためには、党派を超えて行動しなければならない。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Dec. 14, 2010)
（2010年12月14日01時25分  読売新聞）