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黒田日銀の転換 あの約束は何だったか

September 22, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Editorial: BOJ' new policy phase highlights failure of monetary easing experiment
黒田日銀の転換 あの約束は何だったか

The Bank of Japan (BOJ) comprehensively reviewed its large-scale monetary easing policy, which it carried out under the leadership of Gov. Haruhiko Kuroda, and announced a new framework for its bond-buying program to keep the yield of the bellwether 10-year Japanese government debt at around zero percent.
無謀な実験は失敗に終わったということだ。
日銀が、黒田東彦総裁のもとで進めてきた大規模金融緩和策の「総括的な検証」を行い、併せて「新しい枠組み」を発表した。

Roughly 3 1/2 years have passed since the BOJ began quantitative and qualitative easing of its monetary grip as the "first arrow" of the Abenomics economic policy mix promoted by the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. However, the fact that the BOJ has been forced to review the policy and change its framework clearly demonstrates that the policy has reached a deadlock.
アベノミクス第一の矢として注目を集めた「量的・質的金融緩和」が始まり約3年半になるが、こうした検証や枠組みの変更が必要になったこと自体、行き詰まりを如実に示している。

At a news conference, the BOJ would not admit that its policy has failed. Gov. Kuroda categorically denied that the central bank had been forced to change the policy framework due to limits of its monetary policy.
日銀自身は、誤りを認めようとしない。黒田総裁は、政策の限界が枠組みの変更をもたらしたとの見方を、記者会見で強く否定した。

幻の「2年で2%」

The BOJ even praised the achievements it has made through its monetary easing policy saying, "Over that period (when the policy was implemented), the situation surrounding Japan's economy and consumer prices greatly improved, and Japan has overcome deflation in that consumer prices no longer keep declining."
それどころか日銀は、「この間に、わが国の経済・物価は大きく好転し、物価が持続的に下落するという意味でのデフレではなくなった」と自賛してみせた。

The central bank claimed that Japan's failure to achieve its target of an annual inflation rate of 2 percent over the space of about two years is attributable to a sharp drop in crude oil prices, a consumption tax increase from 5 percent to 8 percent in April 2014, the slowdown of emerging countries' economies, and Japanese people's unique views on consumer prices. The BOJ thus denied that the failure was a result of problems involving the central bank's ultra-easy money policy.
肝心の年2%の物価上昇目標は達成していないが、日銀の政策に問題があったからではなく、原油価格の大幅下落、消費税の引き上げ、新興国経済の減速、さらに日本人の物価観の特殊性のせいだと分析した。

When the BOJ announced at a news conference on April 4, 2013 that it would launch an ultra-easy money policy, Gov. Kuroda showed off panels bearing "2 percent," and "2 years," and appeared confident of the credit easing policy it had just approved.  時計の針を2013年4月4日に戻してみよう。
「2%、2年……」−−。記者会見に臨んだ黒田総裁は、大きく記した「2」が並ぶパネルを自ら手にし、決定したての金融緩和策に自信満々だった。

Kuroda emphasized that the central bank's new policy was different from its past policies on three points. Firstly, the BOJ stated a target year for achieving 2 percent inflation. Secondly, the central bank not only verbally promised to achieve the goal but also took unprecedented action to purchase a massive amount of government bonds in an attempt to convince the public that consumer prices would rise. Thirdly, the BOJ pledged to avoid implementing small-scale additional measures bit by bit.
従来の日銀との違いとして強調したポイントは主に三つだ。2%の目標達成まで「2年程度」と期限を切って結果を約束したこと。口約束でなく、国債の大量購入という異例の行動を伴わせ、人々に物価上昇を信じ込ませようとしたこと。そして従来のような小出しの追加策を重ねたりしないと言い切ったことだ。

The central bank governor declared at the time, "We've adopted all measures that are necessary now to achieve the goal of a 2 percent annual inflation within two years."
「2年で2%の物価安定目標を達成するために、現時点で必要な措置は全て決定した」と総裁は胸を張った。

Deputy Gov. Kikuo Iwata, who joined the central bank simultaneously with Kuroda, even stated that he would step down if the central bank failed to achieve the inflation target within two years. He later retracted his statement saying, "I meant that I must place priority on fulfilling my accountability."
同じ時期に日銀入りした岩田規久男副総裁は、2年で2%を達成できない場合、辞任するとまで宣言していた。後に「説明責任を果たすことが先決というのが真意だった」と撤回したが、

The BOJ had initially stated that the 2 percent target could be achieved if the central bank drastically increased the volume of money it supplied to the market. Yet the target has not been reached.
日銀がお金の量を本気で増やしさえすれば、2%の目標は達成できるというのが、当時の約束だった。
結果はそうならなかった。

The BOJ postponed the target date for achieving an inflation rate of 2 percent whenever it announced its outlook for consumer prices in each quarter. In October 2014, the central bank drastically increased the amount of money it supplied, but remained far from being able to achieve the inflation target.
日銀は四半期に1度の物価見通し発表のたびに、2%の達成時期を先送りした。14年10月には、お金の量の増やし方を拡大したが、それでも約2年で2%は遠く及ばなかった。

In reviewing its policy, the BOJ cited the effects of the consumption tax increase in 2014 and the slowdown of other countries' economies as the reasons why the target had not been achieved. But BOJ executives are experts in monetary policy. They cannot make excuses by saying these factors were beyond the scope of their assumptions.
日銀は検証の中で、14年の消費税引き上げの影響や海外の景気の鈍化を挙げているが、政策のプロなら、想定外とは言い訳できないだろう。

True, crude oil prices plummeted more sharply than had been widely predicted. In reviewing its policy, the BOJ said that Japanese people's predictions of future consumer prices are largely affected by the actual fluctuation in consumer prices that is going on. The central bank pointed out that prolonged deflation as well as labor-management negotiations on pay raises during the so-called spring labor offensive, which are unique to Japan, have made the Japanese economy more susceptible to short-term consumer price declines. However, these are nothing but excuses and attempts to shift the blame.
確かに原油価格の激しい下落は、予想の域を超えたものだった。これについて日銀の検証は、米国などに比べ、日本人の将来の物価予想が、現実の物価動向に左右されやすいためだとした。長引いたデフレや、春闘という日本特有の賃上げ交渉が、短期的な物価下落の影響を受けやすくしていると説くが、明らかな言い訳、責任転嫁である。

The BOJ's new framework and its dumping of the two-year deadline for achieving its target represents a great transformation in its policies, from one placing emphasis on the amount of money supplied to the market to one that places more importance on interest rates.
「2年で達成」をあっさりと葬り新たに導入した枠組みは、異次元緩和を支える、お金の量に主軸を置いた政策から金利重視の政策への大転換だ。

The BOJ has also been forced to modify its negative interest policy, which it introduced in February this year, because critics have pointed out numerous problems, such as a decrease in financial institutions' profits, and difficulties that public pension funds and others face in investing money over the long term to gain stable yields.
しかも、今年2月に導入したばかりのマイナス金利政策も、金融機関の収益を圧迫したり、年金など長期の運用を一段と困難なものにしたりと弊害が多く指摘されたため、修正を余儀なくされた。

市場をゆがめた責任

Under the previous framework, market players expected the BOJ to further relax its monetary grip whenever it became certain the central bank would postpone the target year for achieving a 2 percent inflation rate. The central bank's monetary policy thus became a major matter of concern for market players. The framework change will likely rectify the situation.
従来の枠組みでは、物価上昇率2%の達成時期が先送りされそうになるたびに市場から追加緩和期待が出ていた。自らまいた種ではあるが、日銀の政策があまりにも市場の主要関心事になり過ぎた。それが改善されるメリットはあるだろう。

Still, questions remain as to whether the BOJ can control not only short-term interest rates but also long-term interest rates governing yields on 10-year government bonds to attain levels which the central bank regards as desirable. Long-term interest rates should be determined by the market. The rates can sound an alarm over the government's irresponsible use of taxpayers' money. Monetary policy that restricts such a function of long-term interest rates deserves criticism as excessive market intervention by the central bank.
しかし、短期金利だけでなく長期金利(10年物国債の利回り)まで日銀が望ましいと思う水準に管理することが可能かという疑念は残る。さらに、長期金利は本来、市場が決めるものだ。例えば無責任な財政支出に対して、警告のシグナルを送る。その機能を縛る政策は過剰な市場介入ではないか。

Needless to say, what now must be brought up is the question of responsibility for failure of the experiment, which the BOJ began on its promise to achieve a 2 percent inflation rate within about two years.
当然、問われるべきは、「2年を念頭に達成」との約束で始めた実験の失敗の責任である。

The BOJ has amassed over 450 trillion yen worth of assets. This includes government bonds whose prices could plummet in the future and investment trust funds. And the amount is expected to increase. It is a matter that could affect the credibility of the yen.
日銀のもとには、将来値下がりの恐れがある国債や投資信託といった資産が450兆円以上も積み上がった。今後も当分の間、増加を続けるだろう。円という通貨の信用にかかわる問題だ。

How to normalize the bond market, which has been distorted because it has relied on the BOJ's massive purchase of government bonds, will pose a serious challenge. If the annual inflation rate is stabilized at over 2 percent, the BOJ will need to decrease the amount of government bonds it buys on a step-by-step basis.
日銀による大量購入に依存し、ゆがみきった国債市場を、将来どうやって正常化するかという難題も待ち受ける。物価の上昇率が持続して2%を超えるようになれば、日銀は段階的に国債の購入額を減らしていかねばならない。

However, if the BOJ hints at its intention to withdraw from the bond market as a major buyer, it could cause market prices of government bonds to sharply decrease and long-term interest rates to spike.
だが、日銀という巨大な買い手が市場から手を引こうとした途端、価格が急落し、長期金利は急上昇しかねない。

To prevent such a situation, the central bank would have to keep buying government bonds, even though this could generate an economic bubble or cause the economy to overheat.
それを回避しようとすれば、国債購入をいつまでも止められず、バブルや景気の過熱を招く恐れがある。

As such, the central bank will face difficulty in seeking a way out of the policy of buying a massive volume of government bonds.
極めて難易度の高い出口戦略を求められよう。

The BOJ is not solely to blame for the ultra-easy money policy that has left serious problems for Japan's future.
将来に重大な問題を残した異次元緩和策の責任は、日銀だけにあるのではない。

The responsibility of the government, which relied on the "first arrow" of Abenomics, should also be called into question.
アベノミクスの第一の矢に頼った政府の責任も問われる。

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温暖化対策 取り組みを加速せよ

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 20
EDITORIAL: Japan should speed efforts to join fight against global warming
(社説)温暖化対策 取り組みを加速せよ

The world’s fight against global warming is picking up steam.
地球温暖化に立ち向かう世界の潮流は勢いを増している。

Japan should respond and ramp up its own efforts in both the public and private sectors to help tackle the challenge.
それを見誤ることなく、官民の取り組みを加速させるべきだ。

First of all, Japan should ratify the Paris Agreement, a landmark international agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions starting in 2020.
まずは、2020年以降の地球温暖化対策を決めた新たな国際的枠組み「パリ協定」の批准を急ぎたい。

The new climate accord is now on track to become operational as early as by the end of the year.
パリ協定は年内にも発効する見通しになった。

Early this month, the United States and China, the world’s two biggest emitters of greenhouse gases, announced they will ratify the Paris Agreement. Their actions have greatly improved the prospect of the agreement taking effect quickly.
二酸化炭素など温室効果ガスの排出で世界1、2位の中国と米国が今月初め、足並みをそろえて協定締結を発表し、発効に必要な条件に大きく近づいたからだ。

Even after the new climate deal was adopted during the United Nations conference on climate change in December, the Japanese government has shown little enthusiasm for revitalizing its faltering efforts to stem climate change.
パリ協定が昨年末の国連気候変動会議(COP〈コップ〉21)で採択された後も、日本政府の動きは鈍かった。

Betting that the pact would take effect around 2018, the government apparently opted to wait and see the moves of big emitters before deciding on its response.
「発効は18年ごろ。対応は大排出国の動向を見極めてからでいい」との姿勢だった。

The Kyoto Protocol, an agreement to cut greenhouse gas emissions negotiated in 1997 with Japan playing a pivotal role, required only industrialized nations to achieve their emissions targets and put no limits on the amount of gas that China, a developing country, can spew into the atmosphere. The United States later withdrew from the agreement.
日本が尽力して1997年に採択された京都議定書では、中国が途上国として削減義務を負わず、米国は途中で離脱。

The Japanese business community criticized the Kyoto Protocol as unfair. The March 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami has further blunted public interest in measures to stem global warming in Japan.
不公平だと訴える声が経済界などに広がった。東日本大震災もあって、温暖化への関心自体が薄れていた。

However, the international community has become increasingly concerned about the expected consequences of rising global temperatures. This is clearly evidenced by the fact that the United States and China have abandoned their previous reluctance and made a solid commitment to tackling the challenge.
だが、消極姿勢を一変させた米中に代表される通り、国際社会は危機感を強めている。

That’s because it has become even clearer that human activities are the principal causes of the warming of this planet, which is believed by many scientists to be causing an increasing number of extreme weather events such as severe heat waves and destructive torrential rains.
人類の活動が温暖化を招いていることが一層確実になり、温暖化との関連性が濃厚な熱波や豪雨なども頻発しているからだ。

Japan has submitted to the United Nations its own emissions target in relation to the Paris Agreement. It has pledged to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions by 26 percent from fiscal 2013 levels by fiscal 2030.
パリ協定に関して、日本は温室効果ガスの排出量を「30年度に13年度比26%減らす」との目標を国連に提出済みだ。

In the Ise-Shima Group of Seven summit held in May in Japan, the leaders of the seven major countries committed themselves to developing before 2020 long-term strategies for achieving economic growth while curbing greenhouse gas emissions.
さらに5月の伊勢志摩サミットでは、ガスの排出を抑えつつ発展していく長期戦略を20年を待たずにつくることを申し合わせた。

But debate on such a strategy has just started at a government council.
ただ、戦略的な議論は政府の審議会でようやく始まったところだ。

The panel needs to consider a range of new ideas and proposals that would significantly affect society and industry. They include carbon pricing, which means charging for carbon emissions by businesses offering products and services so that the costs of dealing with the problem are reflected in the price tags.
Another potentially effective approach is using land under plans integrating environmental, economic and local development factors.
製品やサービスの提供に伴うガス排出量を価格に反映させる「カーボンプライシング」や、環境と経済、街づくりを一体に考える土地利用など、社会や産業のあり方にかかわる新たな発想や試みも課題になろう。

Nuclear power generation, which emits less greenhouse gases during operations than thermal power production burning fossil fuels, is often cited as an effective means to cut emissions.
運転時のガス排出が少ない原子力発電の活用もしばしば議論にのぼる。

However, given the enormous cost and difficulty of disposing of radioactive waste and the vast damage caused by the Fukushima nuclear disaster, relying on nuclear power generation should not be an option.
だが、廃棄物処理の費用と難しさ、福島第一原発事故が示した被害の大きさを考えると、原発頼みは許されない。

To reduce its carbon footprint, Japan needs to expand the use of renewable energy sources, such as solar and wind power and geothermal energy, while making all-out efforts to curb energy consumption. It will also help to use the heat generated from plants and buildings for supplying air conditioning and hot water in the local communities.
省エネを徹底しつつ、太陽光や風力、地熱など再生可能エネルギーをさらに導入する。工場やビルの廃熱を地域の冷暖房や給湯に生かす。

Such efforts toward higher energy self-efficiency and energy recycling will also contribute to the nation’s security, promote technological innovations and suit urban development projects.
エネルギーの自給自足や循環を意識した取り組みは、安全保障の観点からも望ましく、技術革新を促し、街づくりとも相性がいい。

The challenge facing the government is to map out an innovative strategy to ensure the implementation of effective policy measures to combat global warming while encouraging businesses, local governments and citizens to make long-term efforts to secure the health of the planet.
温暖化対策を大きな軸に、企業や自治体、市民による多様で息の長い挑戦を促す。そんな構想力が政府に求められている。

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尖閣諸島警備 海保の増強で中国の侵入防げ

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Beef up JCG to deter China’s entry into waters around Senkaku Islands
尖閣諸島警備 海保の増強で中国の侵入防げ

China’s self-serving maritime expansion should not become a fait accompli. It is imperative to strategically reinforce the Japan Coast Guard’s surveillance posture.
中国の独善的な海洋進出を既成事実化させてはなるまい。海上保安庁の警備態勢を戦略的に増強することが重要だ。

Intrusions by China Coast Guard vessels into Japanese territorial waters and the contiguous zone around the Senkaku Islands have continued. Despite Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s call for self-restraint during a Sept. 5 bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, four Chinese government vessels entered Japanese territorial waters on Sept. 11.
尖閣諸島周辺で、中国海警局の公船による領海侵入と接続水域進入が続いている。安倍首相が5日の日中首脳会談で自制を求めたのにもかかわらず、11日には公船4隻が領海に入った。

This is regarded by some people as a spiteful response to Japan’s demand that Beijing abide by international law in resolving territorial disputes in the South China Sea. If this is the case, China’s actions must be regarded as totally misdirected and cannot be ignored.
南シナ海の領有権問題で、日本が国際法の順守を中国に要求していることへの意趣返しとの見方もある。そうだとすれば、全くの筋違いであり、看過できない。

Navigation by Chinese government vessels through the contiguous zone has become routine since Japan’s nationalization of the Senkakus in September 2012. In August this year, up to 15 government vessels and 200 to 300 fishing boats appeared in the zone at one time. Since December last year, the number of vessels equipped with what appeared to be machine guns has increased.
中国公船の接続水域航行は、2012年9月の尖閣諸島の国有化以降、常態化している。今年8月には、最大15隻の公船と200~300隻の漁船が集結した。昨年12月からは、機関砲のようなものを搭載した公船も増えている。

Crew members from Chinese government vessels have repeatedly been confirmed to have boarded Chinese fishing boats in Japan’s exclusive economic zone. This indicates that on-the-spot inspections of the fishing boats, among other activities, were carried out by the Chinese authorities based on Chinese law.
日本の排他的経済水域(EEZ)内で、中国公船の乗員が中国漁船に乗り込むケースが再三、確認された。中国の法律に基づく立ち入り検査などの可能性がある。

Chinese fishing boats are permitted to operate in Japan’s EEZ under the Japan-China fishery agreement. But the Chinese government is not empowered under international law to exercise its jurisdiction in regard to fishing in this zone.
EEZ内では、漁船操業は日中漁業協定で可能だが、中国政府が漁業に関する管轄権を行使することは国際法上、できない。

Constant vigilance vital

To prevent such actions from becoming faits accomplis, JCG patrol boats must monitor the moves of Chinese government vessels constantly and issue immediate and adequate warnings.
こうした行為の既成事実化を防ぐため、海保の巡視船は常時、中国公船の動向を監視し、迅速かつ適切に警告せねばならない。

To prevent accidental clashes and illegal landings by fishermen and other Chinese, it is essential that the JCG ensures numerical superiority in the number of its patrol boats compared to its Chinese counterpart.
偶発的な衝突や漁民らの不法上陸を防ぐには、相手の船より数的優位を確保することが肝要だ。

As things stand now, the JCG’s capabilities are not necessarily sufficient.
しかし、海保の現状は、必ずしも十分とは言えない。

This spring, the JCG established a full-time surveillance system involving 12 patrol boats to safeguard the waters around the Senkakus. This was based on the assumption that they would only have to keep an eye on about five Chinese government vessels. In the event that there are more Chinese government vessels, the JCG receives help from patrol boats dispatched from around Japan.
海保は今春、尖閣諸島周辺を警備するため、巡視船12隻の専従体制を整えた。中国公船5隻程度を想定したものだ。より多数の公船が来た際は、全国から巡視船の応援派遣を受け、対応している。

The China Coast Guard has tripled the number of its large patrol boats to 120 in the past three years. The number will be reached to 135 in 2019.
中国海警局はこの3年で、大型船を3倍増の120隻にした。19年には135隻に増やす。

The number of large JCG patrol boats totals only 62. The government appropriated ¥39 billion in the second supplementary budget for fiscal 2016 to build three new patrol boats. This number needs to be increased systematically.
海保が保有する大型巡視船は62隻にとどまる。16年度第2次補正予算案に3隻の新造費390億円を計上した。今後も、計画的に増強することが求められよう。

It is essential to increase JCG personnel. At present it has a workforce of 13,500, an increase of about 800 since the nationalization of the Senkakus. Reemployment of former JCG personnel has made progress. It takes several years to train coast guard crew members. Necessary steps must be taken as soon as possible to improve the situation in the future.
要員の確保も急務である。
海保の定員は約1万3500人で、尖閣諸島国有化前より約800人増員した。元海上保安官の再雇用も進めている。保安官の養成には数年を要する。将来を見据えて早めに手を打つ必要がある。

To avert an emergency, it is also important to establish a communication channel with the Chinese authorities concerned.
不測の事態を避けるため、中国当局とのパイプ作りも大切だ。

Last year, the JCG and its Chinese counterpart established a contact point in each other’s organization, but this function is not being used. It is necessary to hold talks between the two organizations tenaciously.
海保と中国海警局は昨年、双方に連絡窓口を設けたが、あまり機能していない。粘り強く意見交換を重ねたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 20, 2016)Speech

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香山リカのココロの万華鏡 「親のせい」で片付かない /東京

September 4, 2016 (Mainichi Japan)
Kaleidoscope of the Heart: The sins of the son are not the sins of the mom
香山リカのココロの万華鏡  「親のせい」で片付かない /東京

Recently, a 22-year-old actor was arrested on suspicion of rape. The victim was apparently badly injured in the assault. This incident is, in a word, unforgiveable.
22歳の俳優が強姦(ごうかん)致傷容疑で逮捕された。被害者の女性はいかに傷ついたことだろう。許されない行為だ。

This young actor has a famous actress for a mother, who appears frequently in drama series and on variety shows. The suspected rapist was often referred to as "that actress' son" in his professional life. In that way, you could say that he was not entirely separate from his mother, and so perhaps it's unavoidable that some people would wonder what she would do after her son's arrest for such a terrible crime.
その俳優には、有名女優の母親がいた。ドラマにバラエティー番組にと大活躍している人だ。容疑者である俳優も、これまで「あの母親の息子」といわれることが多かった。そういう意味では、その親子を完全に切り離して考えるのはむずかしい。誰もが「息子の逮捕を受けて母親の女優はどうするのか」と関心を持つのは仕方のないことかもしれない。

What she did was hold a news conference, bow very, very low before the assembled reporters, and apologize.
そして記者会見が開かれ、母親である女優は大勢のメディア関係者の前で深々と頭を下げて謝罪した。

Obviously shocked and despairing, she appeared thin and haggard as she faced the glare of the cameras. It was painful to watch. And then came the questions, quick and sharp as arrows, demanding to know about how she had raised her son.
突然の逮捕に驚き、憔悴(しょうすい)した姿が痛々しかった。記者からは子育てに関しても質問が飛び、

"I intended to do the very best that I could in my own way, but I think now that the way I raised him didn't go well," she said. I suspect that a lot of people saw this and wondered how far a parent's responsibility extends when it comes to the problems of their children.
女優は「自分なりに精いっぱいやったつもりですが、私の育て方がいけなかったと思っている」と語った。
その姿に、子どもの問題に親はどこまで責任を持たなければならないのだろう、と考え込んでしまった人も多いのではないか。

Parents naturally have an idea of what kind of people they want their children to be, and convey to them the ideas and rules of the household. However, no matter how much a parent thinks of their daughter or son as "my child," they are in fact separate human beings. It's impossible for any parent to completely control the thoughts and emotions of their child. It's also not something a parent should try to do. What's more, it's impossible for parents to police their kids' actions at every moment.
子育てで、親は子どもに「こういう人になってほしい」と期待したり、その家庭の方針を伝えたりするのはあたりまえのことだ。しかし、わが子とはいえ親とは別の人間。その人格や心を親が完全にコントロールすることはできないし、またそうすべきでもない。ましてや、その行動を親が常に監視し規制することは不可能だ。

Occasionally, parents with children who have developed serious problems come to my practice for help. In cases where the child is still quite young, up to about junior high school age, I often counsel that aspects of children's behavior change depending on how parents deal with them, and help the parents with that. For parents of kids in high school or beyond, however, I tell them, "It's difficult to help unless your child comes here in person." Behind this insistence is my belief that once a child reaches the latter half of their teens, their individual character, ideas and opinions should be respected.
診察室でも、ときどき問題のある子どもにかわって、親が受診に来る場合がある。子どもが中学生くらいまでの場合は「親の接し方で変わる面もあるだろうから」と相談に乗るが、高校生より上になると「本人が来てくれないとむずかしい」と伝える。そこには「10代後半になったら、独立した人格として子どもの意見や考えも尊重したい」という私の思いも込められている。

Of course, parents and children will always be family, so it's not out of the question for a mother to stand before the public and apologize for the alleged deeds of a son who is now detained and incapable of doing so himself. However, I think it is wrong to demand she admit responsibility, based in the way she raised and supervised her now adult child.
もちろん、そうはいっても家族なのだから、いまは勾留されて謝罪できない息子にかわり、親が被害者や関係者におわびすることはあってもよい。ただ、親に育て方や監督の責任を求めるのは正しいこととは思えない。

It's a beautiful thing to see parents and children pooling their efforts and helping each other out. However, for people to immediately point the finger at parents and say "It's their fault" as soon as someone causes a problem is good for no one, parent or child. In this recent case, too, I would like to see the man who committed the crime be judged and punished severely. And I'd like to see his mother continue her acting career in much the same way it was before all this happened.
親子が一体となって努力したり、助け合ったりする姿はほほえましく美しい。しかし、誰かが問題を起こしたときにすぐに「親のせい」と言われるのは、親にとっても子どもにとってもプラスにならないのではないか。今回のケースでも、罪を犯した男性はしっかり裁かれて償ってほしいし、できれば母である女優にはこれまで通り活動を続けてほしいと思っている。

(By Rika Kayama, psychiatrist) (精神科医)

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辺野古判決 それでも対話しかない

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 17
EDITORIAL: Tokyo’s hollow court victory will not end base issue in Okinawa
(社説)辺野古判決 それでも対話しかない
 
The high court ruling in a lawsuit over land reclamation work to relocate a U.S. military base in Okinawa Prefecture was a total victory for the central government’s argument.
国の主張が全面的に認められた判決だ。

Even so, the government must make determined efforts to win back the trust of Okinawa or it will never be able to find a real solution to the problem.
だからといって、政府が沖縄の不信を解く努力を怠れば、問題解決には決してつながらない。

The Naha branch of the Fukuoka High Court issued its ruling Sept. 16 on Tokyo’s dispute with the southernmost prefecture over a plan to relocate the U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma from the crowded city of Ginowan to the Henoko district of Nago.
米軍普天間飛行場の辺野古移設をめぐり、国と県が争った裁判で、福岡高裁那覇支部は国側勝訴の判決を言い渡した。

The ruling contended that a replacement base in Henoko is the only way to remove the damage caused by the Futenma air base. This is a highly questionable assertion.
「普天間の被害を除去するには辺野古に基地を建設する以外にない」と言い切ったことに、大きな疑問を感じる。

This is a delicate and complicated issue that has a long history of controversy. Experts at home and abroad are widely divided over how the problem should be resolved.
長い議論の歴史があり、国内外の専門家の間でも見解が分かれる、微妙で複雑な問題だ。

But Okinawa Governor Takeshi Onaga was the only witness the court permitted to testify on behalf of the prefecture. The court rejected the prefectural government’s requests to call witnesses and concluded the trial after only two sessions.
だが、この訴訟で裁判所が直接話を聞いたのは翁長雄志知事ひとりだけ。それ以外の証人申請をことごとく退け、法廷を2回開いただけで打ち切った。

How could the court reach its surprisingly clear and decisive conclusion on this complex question through such a perfunctory trial? Or why did it have to, in the first place? Setting aside the question of whether the ruling is reasonable or not, the manner in which the court handled the case will undoubtedly provoke controversy.
そんな審理で、なぜここまで踏みこんだ判断ができるのか。しなければならないのか。結論の当否はともかく、裁判のあり方は議論を呼ぶだろう。

Since this spring, the central and prefectural governments held a series of talks over the Futenma relocation issue. But no substantial discussions on key topics had taken place in the talks when the central government, immediately after the July Upper House election, filed the suit against Onaga.
国と県はこの春以降、話しあいの期間をもった。だが実質的な中身に入らないまま、参院選が終わるやいなや、国はこの裁判を起こした。

The ruling stressed the importance of “the spirit of mutual concessions” and pointed out that there should be “a relationship of equality and cooperation” between the central and prefectural governments.
Nevertheless, it effectively supported the central government’s hard-line, high-handed approach toward the Futenma issue.
判決は「互譲の精神」の大切さを説き、「国と県は本来、対等・協力の関係」と指摘しながらも、結果として国の強硬姿勢を支持したことになる。

In a series of recent elections, people in Okinawa have made clear their opposition to the relocation plan.
辺野古移設にNOという沖縄の民意は、たび重なる選挙結果で示されている。

During a news conference after the ruling was handed down, Onaga said he will appeal the decision to the Supreme Court. He pledged to accept whatever decision is handed down by the top court.
The governor, however, said, “I myself will continue the fight to block the construction of a new base in Henoko with a firm determination.”
翁長知事は判決後の会見で、最高裁の確定判決が出れば従う姿勢を明確にする一方、「私自身は辺野古新基地を絶対に造らせないという思いをもってこれからも頑張りたい」と語った。

Onaga intends to use his various powers as governor to block implementation of the relocation project. He has the power to refuse the central government’s requests for permission for changes in land reclamation plans.
国が埋め立て計画の変更申請を出した際など、様々な知事権限を使って抵抗する考えだ。

Both sides apparently share the desire to remove the danger posed by the Futenma base, located in the middle of a densely populated area, as soon as possible.
一日も早く普天間の危険をなくしたい。その願いは政府も県も同じはずだ。

The quickest way to resolve the problem is to make continuous efforts to reach an agreement through dialogue instead of fighting a head-on battle.
対立ではなく、対話のなかで合意点を見いだす努力を重ねることこそ、問題解決の近道である。

However, the series of strong-arm measures the central government has taken against Okinawa since the Upper House election have made people in the prefecture even more distrustful of the government.
だが参院選後、政府による沖縄への一連の強腰の姿勢に、県民の不信は募っている。

The government has resumed work to build helipads for the U.S. military around the Takae district of Higashi in northern Okinawa, while deploying a massive squad of riot police to block protesters. The administration has also deployed Self-Defense Forces helicopters to transport construction vehicles to the site.
大量の機動隊員に守らせて東村高江の米軍ヘリパッド移設工事に着手し、工事車両を運ぶため自衛隊ヘリを投入した。

Commenting on budget requests for next fiscal year, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga and other government officials indicated that government expenditures to promote the local economy in Okinawa are linked to the base issue.
来年度予算案の概算要求では、菅官房長官らが基地問題と沖縄振興のリンク論を持ち出した。

The reality the government should confront is that it is difficult to push through the Futenma relocation plan without winning support from the people in Okinawa. The lack of support from the local communities will also make it impossible to ensure stable operations of military bases in the prefecture.
政府が直視すべきは、県民の理解がなければ辺野古移設は困難だし、基地の安定的な運用は望み得ないという現実だ。

If the central government maintains its recalcitrant attitude toward this challenge without making serious efforts to respond sincerely to the voices of local residents, the prospects for a solution will only become even bleaker.
県民の思いと真摯(しんし)に向き合う努力を欠いたまま、かたくなな姿勢を続けるようなら、打開の道はますます遠のく。

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日米防衛相会談 北の脅威に共同対処を強めよ

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Bolster Japan-U.S. joint actions to cope with North Korean threats
日米防衛相会談 北の脅威に共同対処を強めよ

It is essential for Tokyo and Washington to establish a closer cooperation system for conducting joint operations flexibly and expeditiously amid the increasingly severe security environment around Japan.
我が国の安全保障環境が厳しさを増す中、日米両政府がより緊密に連携し、機動的な共同対処を行う体制を構築することが重要である。

Defense Minister Tomomi Inada met with her U.S. counterpart Ashton Carter in Washington to discuss security issues. Regarding North Korea’s repeated nuclear tests and ballistic missile launches, Inada and Carter agreed they pose “grave threats to the national security of both Japan and the United States.”
稲田防衛相が訪米し、カーター米国防長官と会談した。北朝鮮の相次ぐ核実験や弾道ミサイル発射について、「日米両国に対する安全保障上の重大な脅威である」との認識で一致した。

North Korea has been pushing its nuclear weapons program with the aim of completing and deploying missiles equipped with nuclear warheads. It is necessary to seriously recognize that North Korea’s nuclear miniaturization technology and missile firing accuracy have improved considerably after the repeated tests and launches.
北朝鮮は、核弾頭を搭載したミサイルの完成、配備を目指し、突き進んでいる。度重なる実験と発射により、核の小型化技術やミサイルの精度は相当程度、向上したと覚悟せねばなるまい。

Carter reaffirmed the United States’ nuclear deterrence for the defense of Japan. This can be regarded as enhancing the deterrence against Pyongyang’s provocations.
カーター氏は、日本防衛目的の米国の核抑止力を再確認した。北朝鮮の挑発への抑止力を高めるものと評価できる。

It is imperative for the Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military to steadily expand their range of information sharing and joint warning and surveillance activities. We suggest the encirclement around North Korea be strengthened by making greater efforts to conduct multilateral military exercises and promote defense cooperation with countries including South Korea, Australia and India, in addition to Japan and the United States.
自衛隊と米軍の情報共有や共同の警戒監視活動を着実に拡大することが大切だ。日米に、韓国、豪州、インドなどを加えた多国間の訓練や防衛協力にも力を入れ、北朝鮮包囲網の強化を図りたい。

With regard to the frequent intrusion of Chinese government vessels into Japanese territorial waters around the Senkaku Islands, Inada said it amounted to an “infringement of Japan’s sovereignty,” so “is absolutely intolerable.”
尖閣諸島周辺での中国公船の頻繁な領海侵入に関して、稲田氏は「日本の主権侵害であり、断固受け入れられない」と強調した。

Carter reaffirmed that the Senkakus fall under Article 5 of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and expressed opposition to China’s unilateral action. This is very significant.
カーター氏は、尖閣諸島を日米安保条約5条の適用対象と認め、中国の一方的な行動への反対を明言した。その意義は大きい。

Strengthen encirclement

Regarding China’s militarization of man-made islands in the South China Sea, Inada and Carter shared the view that it amounts to an act that heightens regional tensions and is a matter of concern for the international community.
南シナ海での中国の軍事拠点化について、両氏は、「地域の緊張を高める行動で、国際社会の懸念事項だ」との認識を共有した。

Beijing has not changed its stance of disregarding an arbitration court ruling in July that invalidated Chinese sovereignty claims in the South China Sea. Any attempt to change the status quo by force and to make it a fait accompli cannot be allowed. Both Japan and the United States should continue assisting coastal nations of the South China Sea to enhance their maritime security capabilities through the provision of patrol boats and fostering personnel.
中国は、7月の仲裁裁判所判決を無視する構えを崩していない。力による現状変更の既成事実化は許されない。日米両国は、巡視船の供与や人材育成を通じて、南シナ海沿岸国の海上保安能力の向上を引き続き支援するべきだ。

At a lecture in Washington, Inada strongly endorsed the patrol activities of U.S. military vessels around the artificial islands built by China in the South China Sea. She also mentioned a plan for Japan to increase its engagement there, including through joint naval exercises with the U.S. military.
稲田氏は、ワシントンでの講演で、中国の人工島周辺における米軍艦船の巡視活動を強く支持した。日本が、米軍との共同巡航訓練などを通じて、南シナ海への関与を強める方針も表明した。

To prompt China to exercise self-restraint in expanding its maritime advances backed by military force, it is imperative for not only the United States but also Japan and other relevant countries to work together actively and apply pressure on China.
軍事力を背景とした中国の海洋進出に自制を促すには、米国だけでなく、日本や関係国が積極的に協調行動を取り、中国に圧力をかけることが欠かせない。

Concerning the issue of relocating the U.S. Marine Corps’ Futenma Air Station, Inada reassured Carter the Japanese government’s position that “the relocation to the Henoko district is the only solution” is unchanged. She called for U.S. cooperation in tackling the issue of moving Osprey transport aircraft training sites outside Okinawa Prefecture. Carter took a forward-looking stance toward her request.
米軍普天間飛行場の移設問題に関し、稲田氏は会談で、辺野古移設が「唯一の解決策との立場は不変である」と強調した。米軍輸送機オスプレイの訓練の沖縄県外移転について協力要請し、カーター氏も前向きな考えを示した。

To ensure the continued and smooth stationing of U.S. troops in Japan — the bedrock of the bilateral alliance — the two countries must make greater efforts to reduce the burden on Okinawa.
日米同盟の根幹である米軍の駐留を円滑に続けるため、両国は沖縄の負担軽減に一層努めたい。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 17, 2016)

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もんじゅ 政府は廃炉を決断せよ

--The Asahi Shimbun, Sept. 15
EDITORIAL: Monju has run its course and should now be scrapped
(社説)もんじゅ 政府は廃炉を決断せよ
 
The government is assessing what to do about the Monju prototype fast-breeder nuclear reactor, with one option being to decommission the trouble-prone facility.
高速増殖原型炉「もんじゅ」(福井県)について、政府が廃炉も含めた検討に入った。

It should decide swiftly to scrap the experimental reactor in Tsuruga, Fukui Prefecture.
速やかに廃炉を決断すべきだ。

Monju has remained mostly idle for the past two decades or so. Restarting it would be hugely expensive. Putting the necessary safety measures in place would require an outlay of hundreds of billions of yen. The obvious solution is staring the government in the face.
もんじゅはこの20年余り、ほとんど運転できていない。安全対策には数千億円が必要とされ、仮に運転にこぎつけても高くつく。おのずと結論は出るはずだ。

Monju was designed to underpin a nuclear fuel recycling program in which plutonium extracted from reprocessed spent nuclear fuel is burned in a fast-breeder reactor. The ability to generate more fissile material than is consumed was regarded as “dream” technology.
使用済みの核燃料を再処理してプルトニウムを取り出し、それを燃やすのが核燃料サイクルだ。その中核に位置づけられ、使った以上のプルトニウムを得られる高速増殖炉は「夢の原子炉」とも呼ばれた。

But Monju has been mostly offline since a sodium coolant leak accident in 1995.
だが、もんじゅは1995年に冷却材のナトリウムが漏れる事故を起こし、その後はほぼ止まったままだ。

In 2012, it was revealed that safety maintenance checks had missed about 10,000 pieces of equipment. In response, the Nuclear Regulation Authority halted preparations to bring the reactor back online. It urged the science and technology minister last November to find a new operator for the reactor in place of the government-backed Japan Atomic Energy Agency.
2012年には約1万点もの機器の点検漏れが発覚。原子力規制委員会は運転再開準備を禁じ、昨年11月、現在の日本原子力研究開発機構に代わる運営主体を探すよう、所管の文部科学相に勧告した。

The science and technology ministry has apparently been weighing plans to separate the Monju-related section from the agency and put the unit in charge of maintenance and management of the reactor.
But that would do nothing but change the name of the operator. No wonder this idea has been met with skepticism and criticism within the government.
文科省は、機構からもんじゅに関わる部門を分離して保守・管理を担わせる案を探ってきたようだが、そんな看板の掛け替えは許されない。政府内で疑問や批判が出たのは当然だ。

No one in the electric power industry, which would be the primary beneficiary of the fast-breeder reactor if it ever went into practical use, is calling for early development of the technology.
高速増殖炉については、実用化後の利用者と目される電力業界に開発を急ぐ声は聞かれない。

That’s not surprising, given that producing the necessary fuel and developing the technology to use sodium would require a huge investment in time and money.
燃料製造に手間がかかり、ナトリウムを使う技術の確立も必要で、コストがかかる。

The power industry, meanwhile, has been pushing to restart ordinary nuclear reactors, partly because uranium is now easily available and cheap.
一方、電力業界が再稼働を急ぐ通常の原発は、燃料のウランの需給が緩んでおり、価格は安い。

With liberalization of the power market making their business environment much harsher, the private-sector companies have every reason to be reluctant to cheer for the Monju program.
電力自由化で経営環境が厳しさを増すなか、民間企業が拒否反応を示すのは自然な流れだ。

The ministry appears to be trying to persuade the electric utilities and related manufacturers to become part of the new Monju operator. But it has been a hard sell.
文科省は新たな運営主体に電力業界や関連メーカーを引き込みたいようだが、難航している。

More than 1 trillion yen ($9.7 billion) has been poured into the development and operation of Monju.
もんじゅにはこれまで、1兆円以上の事業費が投じられてきた。

The power industry and other private-sector players provided around 140 billion yen to cover a portion of the construction costs. But the rest of the funding for the beleaguered program has come from the pockets of taxpayers.
建設費の一部、約1400億円は電力業界など民間からの拠出金だが、残りは税金だ。

The fast-breeder reactor requires 20 billion yen in annual maintenance costs. The government can hardly expect to win public support for such a massive drain in taxpayer money when there is little prospect of the technology coming into practical use.
今も毎年約200億円の維持費がかかっている。実用化とその後の利用のめどが立たないまま、巨額の税金を使い続けることに国民の支持は得られまい。

Research on fast reactor technology and radioactive waste can be accomplished--as long as safety is ensured--by using other existing facilities like the Joyo experimental fast reactor in Ibaraki Prefecture.
高速炉や放射性廃棄物の研究なら、安全確保を前提に実験炉「常陽」(茨城県)などですればよい。

It is difficult to secure sufficient human resources for a plan that doesn’t seem to have a viable future. There are also concerns about technology and information management and accident prevention efforts for Monju.
将来の見通しを欠く計画に人材を確保することは難しく、技術や情報の管理、事故防止にも不安がつきまとう。

The troubled history of Monju clearly argues against keeping the program alive.
もんじゅのこれまでの歩みがそれを示していないか。

The establishment of a nuclear fuel recycling program itself is becoming a dead letter, and the government needs to reconsider this policy goal from scratch.
核燃料サイクル自体が時代遅れの夢になりつつあり、白紙からの再検討を迫られている。

As for Monju, there is no doubt that decommissioning the reactor is the only rational choice.
もんじゅについては、廃炉が唯一の合理的な選択肢である。

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北ミサイル対策 敵基地攻撃能力も検討したい

The Yomiuri Shimbun
To cope with North Korean missiles, discuss SDF’s strike capabilities
北ミサイル対策 敵基地攻撃能力も検討したい

The threat of North Korea’s nuclear arsenal and missiles has entered a new dimension. Japan needs to build up its defense system commensurate with the increased threat.
北朝鮮の核とミサイルの脅威が新たな次元に入った。それに見合う日本の防衛体制を構築することが急務である。

Committees of both houses of the Diet adopted resolutions denouncing the latest nuclear test by North Korea as a “direct threat to the safety of this country.”
衆参両院の委員会が、北朝鮮の核実験を「我が国の安全に対する直接的脅威」と非難する決議を採択した。

North Korea has rapidly been improving its nuclear and missile technologies, conducting two nuclear tests and firing more than 20 ballistic missiles this year alone. It is necessary to prepare for such a contingency as Pyongyang’s deploying missiles mounted with nuclear warheads.
北朝鮮は、今年だけでも2回の核実験と20発以上の弾道ミサイル発射により、核・ミサイル技術を急速に向上させている。核を搭載したミサイルの配備という深刻な事態にも備える必要がある。

Japan’s missile defense system comprises two tiers of preparedness: Standard Missile 3 (SM3) interceptors carried by four Aegis vessels and the Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC3) surface-to-air guided missiles. The government plans to increase the number of Aegis vessels to eight, while also introducing next-generation interceptor missiles.
我が国のミサイル防衛は、イージス艦4隻に搭載する迎撃ミサイルSM3と地対空誘導弾PAC3の二段構えで構成される。イージス艦を8隻に増やし、次世代型迎撃ミサイルも導入する方針だ。

Reinforcement of the missile defense structure is important. However, if Japan were attacked by a large number of missiles simultaneously, it would be impossible to bring down all the missiles.
ミサイル防衛の強化は重要だ。ただ、多数のミサイルで同時に攻撃された場合、すべてを完全に撃ち落とすことは困難だろう。

To secure its safety, Japan should not rule out the option of the Self-Defense Forces acquiring the capability to attack enemy bases. Under the Constitution, attacks on enemy bases are allowed as self-defense measures if there is an imminent danger of a missile launch.
日本の安全確保には、自衛隊が敵基地攻撃能力を保持する選択肢を排除すべきではあるまい。憲法上も、ミサイル発射が切迫した状況での敵基地の攻撃は、自衛措置として容認されている。

U.S. cooperation essential

Presently, the SDF serves as a “shield,” engaged only in defense, while U.S. forces serve as a “pike” for retaliatory attacks. U.S. forces, including the U.S. 7th Fleet, maintain a large number of missiles capable of directly attacking North Korea. The SDF supplementing part of the U.S. military’s striking power would enhance the deterrence power of the Japan-U.S. alliance.
現在、自衛隊は専守防衛の「盾」、米軍は報復攻撃の「矛」の役割を担う。米軍の第7艦隊などは北朝鮮を直接攻撃できる大量のミサイルを保有している。その打撃力の一部を自衛隊が補完することは日米同盟の抑止力を高めよう。

In 2013, the government discussed the possibility of acquiring the capability to attack enemy bases. The new National Defense Program Guidelines stipulate that the government will continue to study “a potential form of response capability” to deal with ballistic missiles.
政府は2013年に敵基地攻撃能力の保持を検討した。新たな防衛大綱では、弾道ミサイルへの「対応能力の在り方」を引き続き検討する方針を明記している。

Envisaged means of attack include a cruise missile system guided with the Global Positioning System to strike targets and F-35 stealth fighter jets.
攻撃手段は、全地球測位システム(GPS)で目標に誘導する巡航ミサイルや、ステルス性を持つ戦闘機F35などが想定される。

Cruise missiles attacking enemy bases from a distance are considered to entail little human risk and low cost. On the other hand, targets must be inputted in advance to guide missiles, making it difficult for the cruise missile system to strike Rodong and other missiles that can be launched from mobile launching pads.
遠方から攻撃する巡航ミサイルは人的リスクが少なく、費用も安いという。反面、目標の位置を事前に入力するため、ノドンなど移動式発射台への攻撃は難しい。

F-35s that would enter enemy airspace are capable of attacking such mobile targets. But because this would entail the risks of breaking through the enemy’s air defense system, it is vital to have an air force unit that includes support fighter jets, electronic warfare planes and airborne refueling aircraft. This would entail a sizable expense.
敵の領空に侵入するF35は、移動する目標の攻撃も可能だ。ただし、防空網を突破する危険を伴うため、支援戦闘機や電子戦機、空中給油機などの航空部隊が不可欠で、相当な費用を要しよう。

It is important to discuss optimal measures by studying both the strong and weak points of each means of attack and considering the cost-effectiveness of each.
それぞれの攻撃手段の長所や短所を研究し、費用対効果も踏まえて、どんな方策が最善なのかを議論することが大切である。

Needless to say, it is unrealistic for the SDF to attack enemy bases single-handedly. The cooperation of the U.S. military for such activities as intelligence gathering and detecting potential targets is essential. The important thing is to reexamine the roles to be shared by the SDF and the U.S. military, based strictly on the assumption of close cooperation between Japan and the United States.
無論、自衛隊単独での攻撃は非現実的だ。攻撃目標の探知など情報面を含め、米軍の協力が欠かせない。あくまで日米の緊密な連携を前提に、自衛隊と米軍の役割分担を見直すことが肝心である。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 15, 2016)

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蓮舫氏の台湾籍 「二重国籍」への認識が甘い

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Renho’s lack of awareness regarding ‘dual nationality’ problematic
蓮舫氏の台湾籍 「二重国籍」への認識が甘い

It is nothing but a sorry state of affairs that a Diet member failed to correctly understand her own nationality.
国会議員が自らの国籍を正確に把握できていないとは、あまりにお粗末と言うほかない。

Renho, acting leader of the opposition Democratic Party, admitted at a press conference Tuesday that she retains Taiwan citizenship. Taiwan is her father’s birthplace.
民進党の蓮舫代表代行が記者会見し、台湾籍を保有していたことを認めた。台湾は父親の出身地だ。

Until that day, Renho had explained that she had renounced her Taiwan citizenship when she obtained Japanese citizenship in January 1985. After she filed her candidacy for the DP leadership election, it was pointed out that she may have dual citizenship. She then reportedly had the Taiwan side check whether she still possessed Taiwan citizenship, and it turned out she did.
蓮舫氏はこれまで、1985年1月に日本国籍を取得した際、台湾籍を放棄した、と説明してきた。党代表選への出馬後、二重保有ではないかとの指摘を受けて、台湾側に確認し、判明したという。

It has transpired that Renho let this abnormal state of affairs go uncorrected for more than 30 years. “I have caused various sorts of confusion because of my inaccurate memory,” she said in apology. Renho said she would retake the procedures to renounce her Taiwan citizenship. This response, however, came too late.
結果的に、30年超も不正常な状態を放置してきたことになる。蓮舫氏は「私の記憶の不正確さによって様々な混乱を招いた」と陳謝し、改めて放棄手続きを進めるというが、遅きに失した対応だ。

The Japanese government does not allow “dual nationality.” The Nationality Law stipulates that a Japanese national with dual nationality must choose one, in principle, before they reach 22 years of age.
日本政府は「二重国籍」を認めていない。国籍法で、原則22歳までに、自らの国籍を選択しなければならない、と定めている。

Although there is no provision excluding people with a foreign nationality from becoming a Diet member, they are prohibited from being appointed as diplomatic officials. It is out of the question for a legislator — who is supposed to serve the interests of the nation, including in foreign affairs and national security — to leave their own nationality obscure.
外国籍保有者が国会議員になることを排除する規定はないが、外交官への採用は禁止されている。外交・安全保障などの国益を担う国会議員が、自身の国籍を曖昧にしておくことは論外である。

Renho said that at 17 she undertook procedures to renounce her Taiwan citizenship at Taiwan’s de facto embassy, the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in Japan. She failed to confirm that the procedures were completed. Renho, who also failed to confirm this when she ran in the 2004 House of Councillors election, has such little understanding of what it means to be a politician that her quality as one will be put into question.
蓮舫氏は、17歳当時、台湾の大使館に当たる台北駐日経済文化代表処で行ったとされる放棄手続きの完了を確認しなかった。2004年参院選の出馬時にも、その作業を怠った。政治家として認識が甘く、資質が問われよう。

Flip-flopping explanations

Although Taiwan is friendly toward Japan, it is in conflict with the Japanese standpoint regarding some issues, for instance, its ownership claims on the Senkaku Islands. If Renho retains her Taiwan citizenship, she could become the target of undesirable suspicions regarding her relations with Taiwan.
台湾は親日的とはいえ、尖閣諸島の領有権を主張するなど、日本の立場と相反する問題もある。台湾籍があれば、台湾との関係であらぬ疑念を招きかねない。

That Renho’s explanations have been inconsistent is not to be overlooked.
見過ごせないのは、蓮舫氏の説明が二転三転したことだ。

Initially, she asserted that she “had renounced Taiwan citizenship.” She even showed displeasure, saying: “It is very sad that the rumors are making their rounds.” Later, however, the age she said she took the procedures changed from 18 to 17. An interview carried in a magazine about 20 years ago came to light in which she referred to possessing Taiwan citizenship.
当初は「台湾籍は抜いた」と断言し、「うわさの流布は本当に悲しい」と不快感さえ示した。その後、手続きをした年齢が18歳から17歳に変わったり、台湾籍保有に言及した約20年前の雑誌インタビューが発覚したりした。

Some have also pointed out that the description she made on an official list of the details of electoral candidates for the upper house election ran counter to the Public Offices Election Law. Her description said she “became naturalized from Taiwan citizenship.”
参院選の公報に「台湾籍から帰化」と記したことが公職選挙法に抵触する、との指摘もある。

Saying that “there is no illegality,” Renho emphasized that she will not withdraw her candidacy in the DP leadership election. She must further clarify all the facts and be accountable.
蓮舫氏は「違法性はない」として、代表選から撤退しない考えを強調した。事実関係をより明確にし、説明責任を果たすべきだ。

DP leader Katsuya Okada said, “It would be extremely unsound if the recent commotion partly stems from such a way of thinking as, it is inappropriate because her father is from Taiwan.”
岡田代表は、「父が台湾人だからおかしいという発想が一連の騒ぎにあるとすると、極めて不健全なことだ」と主張している。

That such a twisted interpretation can be heard within the party, whereby criticism toward Renho could be taken as a form of racial discrimination, is hard to understand. What is being considered as problematic lies absolutely with the fact that Renho failed to take necessary procedures in accordance with the law.
民進党内に、蓮舫氏への批判が民族差別であるかのような曲解があるのは理解に苦しむ。問題にされているのは、あくまで蓮舫氏が法に基づく手続きを適切に行っていなかったことだからだ。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 14, 2016)

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香港議会選 習氏の圧力が「反中派」生んだ

The Yomiuri Shimbun
Xi’s increasing pressure spawns ‘anti-China forces’ in Hong Kong
香港議会選 習氏の圧力が「反中派」生んだ

The heavy-handed posture of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s administration appears to have led to the rise of “anti-China” forces in Hong Kong.
中国の習近平政権の強権的な姿勢が、香港における「反中」勢力の台頭を招いたのだろう。

Continuing progress in democratization and political reforms is essential to maintaining Hong Kong’s stability and prosperity, rather than reinforcing a clampdown.
香港の安定と繁栄を維持するには、締め付けの強化ではなく、民主化の前進と政治改革が欠かせない。

In the recent elections for Hong Kong’s Legislative Council, newly emerging, anti-Beijing forces making such radical calls as “independence” from China have made headway.
香港の議会に当たる立法会の選挙で、中国からの「独立」など、急進的な主張を掲げる新興の反中勢力が躍進した。

For the 70-member legislature, 35 candidates are directly elected by voters, while the remainder are chosen through functional constituencies, mainly those representing particular professions or trades.
定数70の半数は直接選挙枠で、残りは業界団体などによる職能枠で選ばれる。

The newly emerging forces, which made a strong showing in direct voting, and the pro-democracy camp won a combined total of 30 seats, more than one-third of the seats needed to vote down important bills. The pro-Beijing camp managed to retain a majority, but won fewer seats than in previous elections.
直接選挙枠で健闘した新興勢力と、民主派が計30議席を獲得し、重要議案の否決に必要な3分の1を超えた。親中派は過半数を確保したが、議席を減らした。

In 2014, student-led demonstrators calling for democracy staged sit-ins on roads. It can be said the latest elections indicate that the Hong Kong people are increasing their watchfulness against China’s ever-growing influence, even after the demonstrations were resolved peacefully.
一昨年、学生らが民主化を求めて道路を占拠した。デモ収束後も強まる中国の影響力への香港住民の警戒を示したと言えよう。

The newly emerging groups are led by young people, including a former student leader of the demonstration, and those “localists” who, in opposition to China’s political interference, put Hong Kong’s interests first as they consider the territory their “motherland.” Among localists, some even approve of the use of violence.
新興勢力は若い世代が中心だ。デモの元学生指導者のほか、中国の政治干渉に反対し、「郷土」と位置づける香港の利益を最優先する「本土派」が含まれる。本土派には暴力を容認する者もいる。

China has granted Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the “one country, two systems” formula. The problem is that autonomy has increasingly become a mere formality.
香港では「一国二制度」の下に、「高度な自治」が認められている。問題なのは、その形骸化が一段と進んでいることである。

Anxieties will increase

The Electoral Affairs Commission of Hong Kong took such high-handed measures as pressing candidates to sign a declaration that they agree to the principle that “Hong Kong is part of China” and disqualifying some localists from running.
香港の選挙管理委員会は「香港は中国の一部分」という原則に関する「確認書」への署名を候補者に迫り、本土派ら数人の出馬資格を取り消す強硬策に出た。

When five Hong Kong booksellers and other people dealing with publications critical of the Chinese Communist Party disappeared one after another, it was regarded as an instance of “rule by force.” Deep suspicions remain that the Chinese authorities had removed them from Hong Kong, where they had no right to investigate, and detained them in China.
中国共産党に批判的な書籍を扱う香港の書店関係者5人が相次いで失踪した事件も、「力の統治」の表れだと受け止められている。中国当局が捜査権限もない香港から関係者を連行、拘束したといった疑惑が深まったままだ。

Without a convincing explanation, it is inevitable for Hong Kong people to grow more anxious about their future.
納得できる説明がなければ、香港住民の間に将来への不安が広がるのは避けられまい。

In June last year, a bill designed to elect the next chief executive of Hong Kong through “universal suffrage” was rejected by a majority of pro-democracy lawmakers. Although the bill was aimed at directly electing the chief executive through a one-man, one-vote formula, it was a system under which only pro-Beijing candidates could declare candidacy. This proposed method was naturally rejected as “phony universal suffrage.”
次期行政長官を「普通選挙」で決める法案が昨年6月、民主派議員の反対多数で否決された。「1人1票」の直接選挙とはいえ、親中派しか立候補できない仕組みだった。「ニセの普通選挙」と拒否されても仕方がなかろう。

Regarding the outcome of the latest elections, the Xi administration released a statement saying that Beijing would “resolutely oppose any form of Hong Kong independence activities inside or outside the legislature.” It appears that the Xi administration intends to drive a wedge between the pro-democracy camp and newly emerging forces, and stop them from joining hands.
習政権は選挙結果について、「立法会内外のいかなる形式の『香港独立』活動にも断固反対する」との談話を発表した。民主派と新興勢力を分断し、結束を阻む思惑があるのではないか。

It would not be implausible for localists and other groups to become offended by Beijing’s hard-line posture and become increasingly antagonistic to Hong Kong authorities.
中国の強硬姿勢に本土派などが反発し、香港当局との対立が先鋭化する事態が懸念される。

What Xi should do is respect Hong Kong’s autonomy and win the trust of the international community.
習国家主席に求められるのは、香港の「自治」を尊重し、国際社会の信頼を得ることである。

(From The Yomiuri Shimbun, Sept. 13, 2016)

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2009年の9月15日に脳梗塞を発症、右手が少し不自由になりました。
MRAで脳梗塞の部位を特定でき、素早い処置をとれたので大事に至りませんでした。
快復にむけてリハビリ中です。
(2011/01/01更新)

■自己紹介・リンク

[ はじめに ]
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[ 名前 ]
松井 清 (スラチャイ)

[ 略歴 ]
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07 果物王国タイランド
08 タイ人の誕生日
09 タイの電話代は高い
10 微笑みの国タイランド

14の戒律(テラワーダ仏教戒律)
seesaaサイト内リンク一覧:
第01番目の戒律
第02番目の戒律
第03番目の戒律
第04番目の戒律
第05番目の戒律
第06番目の戒律
第07番目の戒律
第08番目の戒律
第09番目の戒律
第10番目の戒律
第11番目の戒律
第12番目の戒律
第13番目の戒律
第14番目の戒律

14の戒律(テラワーダ仏教戒律)
サイト外HPリンク一覧:
14の戒律解説
第01番目の戒律
第02番目の戒律
第03番目の戒律
第04番目の戒律
第05番目の戒律
第06番目の戒律
第07番目の戒律
第08番目の戒律
第09番目の戒律
第10番目の戒律
第11番目の戒律
第12番目の戒律
第13番目の戒律
第14番目の戒律


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[ HPリンク ]
cocolog 家族のアルバム
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初歩の日本語(タイ人学生向け)
タイの小学三年生数学学力テスト(国家試験)
タイ語、中国語、ビルマ語
Preliminary Japanese lessons for Thai students
旅行のタイ語学習サイト
ラオ日・日老辞書
妻はタイ人/タイの文化/タイの仏教戒律

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